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THE  DATIVE  OF  AGENCY 

A  Chapter  of 
Indo-European   Case-syntax 


BY 


ALEXANDER   GREEN 


Submitted  in  Partial  Fulfilment  of  the  Requirements 

FOR  the  Degree  of  Doctor  of  Philosophy,  in  the 

Faculty  of  Philosophy,  Columbia  University 


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THE   DATIVE   OF  AGENCY 


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THE   DATIVE  OF  AGENCY 

A  Chapter  of 
Indo-European   Case-syntax 


BY 

ALEXANDER   GREEN 


Submitted  in  Partial  Fulfilment  of  the  Requirements 

FOR  THE  Degree  of  Doctor  of  Philosophy,  in  the 

Faculty  of  Philosophy,  Columbia  University 


::^:»\: 


COLUMBIA  UNIVERSITY  PRESS 
1913 


y 


XJ.* 


Copyright,  1913, 
By  COLUMBIA  UNIVERSITY  PRESS. 


Set  up  and  electrotyped.    Published  December,  19x3. 


•'.  ::.«:••; 


Nortoaotr  l&ttM 

J.  B.  Gushing  Co.  — Berwick  &  Smith  Co. 

Norwood,  Mass.,  U.S.A. 


Approved  for  publication,  on  behalf  oj  the  Department  of 
Germanic  Languages  and  Literatures  of  Columbia  University. 

Calvin  Thomas. 
New  York,  October,  1913. 


311456 


MATRI   AC   SORORI 
SACRUM 


FOREWORD 

Of  the  various  functional  types  of  the  Dative  in  the  several  Indo- 
European  languages  no  single  one,  whether  original  or  acquired, 
has  been  given  so  little  consideration  or  has  been  dismissed  with 
so  summary  a  treatment  as  that  ordinarily  designated  as  the  Dative 
of  Agency.  Indifferently  bandied  about,  but  more  commonly  as- 
signed to  the  original  Indo-European  Dative,  as  one  of  its  natural 
developments,  it  has  in  grammatical  works  of  all  kinds  come  to 
assume  the  character  of  a  colorless  subspecies,  to  all  intents  and 
purposes  long  since  tracked  to  its  lair,  duly  identified  and  ticketed, 
with  never  a  suspicion  as  to  its  complete  make-up  attaching  to  it. 
Delbruck,  so  far  as  I  know,  was  the  first  ^  to  indicate  along  the 
entire  line  of  Indo-European  case-studies  an  ultimate  Instrumental 
origin  for  Datives  of  such  function ;  but  in  the  more  recent  of  his 
works  ^  he  has  contented  himself  with  declaring  the  impossibility  of 
a  definite  division  between  the  two  cases,  as  far  as  the  inherited 
status  of  any  given  language  is  concerned,  and  is  in  fact  tacitly  in 
favor  of  relegating  the  whole  usage  to  its  old  place  under  the  Da- 
tive of  Personal  Interest.  A  lately  published  book  giving  a  passing 
notice  to  the  subject  ^  even  seeks  to  derive  from  the  latter  viewpoint 
additional  support  for  its  quite  plausible  theory  of  the  development 
of  certain  Possessive  Genitives  from  the  use  of  Pronominal  Da- 
tives; and  tho  manifestly  a  representation  of  a  condition  conse- 
quent upon  the  one  here  under  discussion,  it  nevertheless  is  a 
significant  index  of  the  current  conception  of  the  Dative  of  Agency. 

It  has  appeared  to  me  that  the  full  value  of  the  construction 
could  more  easily  be  ascertained  if  it  were  not  subsumed,  as 
merely  one  of  the  many  constituents,  under  the  general  division 
of  the  Dative  of  Personal  Interest,  nor  therefore  determined,  for 

1  Ablativ  localis  instrumentalist  Berlin,  1867,  p.  65  £F.,  and  Synt.  Forsch.  IV. 
60,  78. 

2  Cf.  Vgl.  Synt.  I.  300,  and  Synkretismus,  Strassburg,  1907,  p.  173. 

*  Havers,  Untersuchungen  zur  Kasussyntax  der  idg.  Sprachen,  Strassburg,  191 1. 


example,  from  a  far-fetched  semasiological  relation  with  certain 
forms  expressive  of  possession,  but  rather  brought  in  line,  as  once 
suggested  by  Delbriick,  with  those  unmistakable  employments  of 
another  case  which  not  only  harmonize  thruout  with  its  specific 
significative  force,  but  also  throw  a  more  or  less  decisive  light  on 
much  of  its  ultimate  provenience.  It  was  with  this  in  view  that  I 
have  undertaken,  in  this  survey  of  the  whole  field  of  contention,  to 
connect,  wherever  possible,  into  a  vital  relationship  the  auctorial 
function  of  the  Dative  with  that  of  the  Instrumental  of  which  it  is, 
in  a  number  of  Indo-European  languages,  the  historical  heir  and 
representative.  It  has  seemed  that  if  any  coalescence  or  even  a 
contact  was  to  be  sought  between  our  construction  and  any  other, 
aiming  at  the  syntactic  location  of  the  former,  the  analogous  use 
of  the  old  Instrumental  was,  if  not  the  exclusive,  at  least  the  most 
logical  one  to  resort  to.  That  this  idea  in  itself  is  not  new,  I 
need  not  repeat ;  but  it  is  equally  true  that  it  has  not  yet  received 
that  comprehensive  comparative  investigation  in  the  various  avail- 
able Indo-European  languages  which  its  relative  importance  would 
warrant.^ 

In  attempting  to  secure  for  my  subject  a  certain  degree  of  com- 
pleteness in  treatment,  I  have  not  shrunk  from  rehearsing  many 
otherwise  well-known  and  firmly  established  facts  of  philology.  A 
reconstructive  essay,  however  favorably  circumstanced  with  respect 
to  illustrative  matter,  must  still  labor  under  a  disadvantage  in  that 
it  lacks  the  authentic  actuality  of  the  more  tangible  work.  In  the 
present  case  I  have  in  addition  been  often  confronted  with  that 
curious  situation  of  comparative  paucity  of  decisive  instances  which 
not  infrequently  robs  the  argument  of  its  cogency.  Many  of  the 
changes  involved  in  the  discussion  must  have  taken  place  long 
prior  to  any  literature  we  possess,  and  the  remnants  of  even  these 
earliest  linguistic  documents  are  lamentably  few.  The  obvious 
necessity  then  of  overcoming  in  the  largest  possible  measure  such 
unavoidable  defects  is  the  reason  for  what  may  appear  to  be 
prolixity. 

A  sufiiciency  of  syntactic  evidence,  within  such  limitations,  has 
been  thruout  my  desire  for  the  various  periods  and  texts  selected ; 
at  the  same  time  I  have  purposely  refrained  from  numerical  tabu- 

1  Cf.  Vgl.  Syni.  I.  §§  126,  143,  and  Grundriss"^,  §§  479,  491.  Celtic,  Arme- 
nian, and  Albanian  have  been  left  out  of  consideration  as  much  for  apparent  lack 
of  germane  material  as  for  insufficient  acquaintance  with  them. 


lation  as  being  but  thankless  drudgery  in  cases  where  the  state  of 
affairs  it  might  illumine  is  satisfactorily  established.  In  a  large 
sense  these  pages  do  not  aim  at  setting  the  stamp  of  finality  on 
the  problems  under  discussion  from  an  entirely  new  point  of  view, 
so  much  as  to  indicate  clearly  where  there  is  ample  ground  for  a 
departure  from  the  opinions  still  adhered  to;  nor  has  their  pur- 
pose been  the  chimerical  one  of  solving  every  riddle  at  all  costs, 
but  rather  a  definite  arrangement,  agreeably  to  the  results  of 
present-day  scientific  research,  of  whatever  in  this  field  at  all  lent 
itself  to  systematic  exposition.  The  number  of  literary  citations 
has  thus  been  regulated  with  this  particular  usefulness  in  view. 

One  word  more,  in  violation  of  the  ancient  injunction,  "  Nee 
debet  prologus  enormior  esse  quam  fabula."  That  thruout  the 
course  of  this  work  I  have  laid  many  writers  under  contribution 
will  be  fully  evidenced  by  the  footnotes.  Besides  such  general 
acknowledgment,  however,  I  wish  to  single  out  for  special  mention 
Brugmann  and  Delbriick  as  being  those  from  whom  I  have  derived 
the  greatest  assistance.  I  may  here  and  there  have  taken  issue 
with  them  on  some  otherwise  hopeless  questions,  still  they  have 
given  me  not  only  the  much-needed  grounding,  but,  in  a  larger 
measure,  that  inspiration  without  which  these  pages  could  scarcely 
have  been  undertaken.  My  manifold  shortcomings,  it  is  needless 
to  add,  are  the  results  purely  of  my  comparatively  short  novitiate. 
Of  those  who  have  lent  more  immediate  aid  I  am  indebted  in  the 
first  instance  to  Professor  Arthur  F.  J.  Remy  for  his  kindly  inter- 
est in  all  my  work  and  for  the  helpful  counsel  which  he  has  ever 
been  ready  to  give.  Sincere  thanks  are  also  due  to  Professors 
A.  V.  Williams  Jackson,  W.  W.  Lawrence,  and  E.  H.  Sturtevant 
for  generously  placing  their  expert  knowledge  at  my  disposal,  and 
to  Professor  Gonzalez  Lodge,  besides,  for  the  loan  of  books  other- 
wise inaccessible.  Finally,  it  affords  me  pleasure  to  thank  Pro- 
fessor F.  A.  Wood  of  the  University  of  Chicago  for  encouragement 
at  the  inception  of  this  work  and  Dr.  Louis  H.  Gray  for  valuable 
suggestions  at  its  close. 

ALEXANDER  GREEN. 

Columbia  University, 
July,  1913. 


CONTENTS 

PAGE 

Foreword ix 

CHAPTER 

I.    The  Concept  of  Agency  and  the  Passive    .        .        .  i 

II.    The  Force  of  the  Dative  and  of  the  Instrumental  io 

III.  Syncretism  of  the  Dative  and  of  the  Instrumental  i8 

IV.  The  Dative  of  Agency  in  Latin 32 

V.    The  Instrumental  of  Agency  in  Slavic       ...  44 

The  Genitive  of  Agency  in  Lithuanian        ...  44 
VI.    The  Dative  and  Instrumental  of  Agency  in  Indo- 

Iranian 51 

VII.    The  Dative-Instrumental  of  Agency  in  Greek  .        .  63 
VIII.    The  Dative-Instrumental  of  Agency  in  the  Germanic 

Languages 78 

{a)  Gothic 81 

Q)  Anglo-Saxon 95 

{c)  Old  Norse 105 

CONCLUSION 114 

BIBLIOGRAPHY 120 


THE  DATIVE  OF  AGENCY 

CHAPTER   I 

The  Concept  of  Agency  and  the  Passive 

§  I.  Delbriick's  view  of  the  fundamental  meaning  of  the  Nomi- 
native will  form  the  point  of  departure  in  these  remarks,  which 
must  of  necessity  precede  a  statement  of  the  case.  "  In  ihn  trat 
urspriinglich,  says  he,^  jedenfalls  der  als  thatig  gedachte,  den  Tra- 
ger  oder  Mittelpunkt  der  Handlung  bildende  Substantivbegriff. 
Erst  nachdem  sich  der  passivische  Ausdruck  entwickelt  hatte, 
konnte  der  Nom.  auch  zum  leidenden  Mittelpunkte  der  Handlung 
werden  vmd  erst  auf  dieses  Stadium  passt  daher  die  Erklarung, 
dass  der  Nominativ  den  Gegenstand  der  Aussage,  das  grammat- 
ische  Subjekt  bezeichnet."  A  simple  declarative  such  as  Fortes 
fortuna  adiuvat  presents  no  difficulties  whatever  of  analysis  in  lan- 
guages where,  as  in  the  Indo-European  family,  we  find  a  fully 
developed,  subjectively  conceived  verb  and,  in  connection  with  it, 
a  clear  concept  of  the  subject  and  of  the  object  as  we  understand 
them  to-day.  There  exists  a  large  number  of  non-Indo-European 
tongues  which,  lacking  such  a  verb,  cannot  express  the  real  sub- 
ject in  a  manner  natural  to  us.  In  the  Malayan  languages  ^  the 
verbal  expression  appears  with  a  possessival  agent :  '  your  search ' 
stands  for  ^sought  by  you."*  Others  again,  like  the  Thibetan,' 
equally  lacking  finite  verbs  in  a  subjective  sense,  express  this  idea 
of  the  bearer  of  the  action  by  means  of  a  nominal  basis  for  verb 
and  an  instrumental  for  agent :  '  I  strike  you  '  is  put  as  ^  your  beating 
thru  me.^^  Countless  others  endeavor  to  express  the  relation 
between  the  action  and  the  ideal  subject  by  producing  forms  that 
are  almost  pedantically  specialized,  in  that  they  demonstrate  how 
the  bearer  of  the  action,  i.e.  the  agent,  is  acted  upon,  instead  of 

1  V^l.  Synt.  I.  §  71.  ^  Winkler,  Zur  Sprachgeschichte,  p.  no. 

8  Ibid.  p.  76.        *  Cf.  also  G.  v.  d.  Gabelentz,  Die  Sprachwissenschaft\  p.  I02. 


grasping  the  fact  so  elementary  with  us,  viz.  that  the  agent  itself, 
as  the  real  subject,  is  to  be  emphasized  as  the  bearer  of  the  idea 
designated  by  the  sentence.^ 

§  2.  In  one  sense,  however,  sufficiently  denoted  perhaps  as  ter- 
minological^ the  Indo-European  languages  are  equally  deficient  in 
clearness.  The  Nominative  in  them  does  not  fully  cover  the  idea 
of  the  subject  of  the  action,  and  Panini's  unwillingness  to  conceive 
of  it  as  the  subject-case,  —  even  tho  due  to  an  entirely  non-germane 
reason,^  —  is  nevertheless  interesting  in  that  the  Nominative  is  not 
the  exclusive  subject-case.  "  Der  Nominativ  —  according  to  Mik- 
losich '  —  bezeichnet  dasjenige,  was  die  durch  das  verbum  finitum 
ausgedriickte  thatigkeit  vollzieht,  undMas  man  minder  genau  mit 
einem  der  logik  entlehnten  ausdrucke  subject  nennt.  Man  soUte 
es,  da  man  den  ausdruck  nicht  entbehren  kann,  grammatisches 
subject  nennen."  The  Nominative  alone,  as  the  form  of  the  agent, 
is  but  a  potential  agent ;  the  idea  of  the  agent  in  the  real,  factual 
sense,  as  distinct  and  separate  from  a  mere  formal  concept,  the 
logical  subject  in  short,  is  one  whose  designation  for  the  science  of 
language  is  by  far  the  more  important  one. 

§  3.  The  grammatical  and  actual  subjects  may  and  often  do 
coincide,  but  to  regard  them  as  equal  without  further  ado  is  pro- 
hibited by  the  circumstance  that  the  subject-nominative  of  passive 
constructions  is  bereft  of  all  connotation  of  agency.^  In  such  con- 
structions the  passive  subject,  the  one  acted  upon,  is  the  grammat- 
ical, the  active  the  logical.  The  situation  of  the  latter  is  as  follows : 
The  action  of  the  subject  affects  some  other  person  or  object.  This 
is  Active  construction.  When,  however,  this  person  or  object  is 
raised  to  a  subject  in  that  we  regard  the  action  from  the  opposite 
point  of  view  and  turn  our  attention  towards  the  origin  instead  of  the 
end  of  the  action,  we  obtain  a  Passive  construction  with  a  logical 
subject :  fortes  afortuna  adiuvantur}  This  logical  subject  need  not 
necessarily  be  made  known,  as  when  we  say  '  a  down-trodden  race^^ 
or  locutions  like  '  dicunt,  Xeyovariv,  man  sagt,  on  dit '  in  various  lan- 
guages ;  or,  even  if  known,  need  not  be  expressed.  Thus,  whilst 
it  is  safe  to  assume  that  in  dTi/aa^eTat  the  logical  subject  is  6  ari/xa- 

1  Cf.  Winkler,  ubi  supra,  p.  137.  2  ygi  Synt.  I,  §    64. 

^  Vgl.  Grammatik  d.  slav.  Spracheriy  IV.  344. 

*  Cf.  Rodenbusch,  Bemerkungen  zur  SatzlehrCy  i.  Die  Agensform  als  Subjekt, 
IF,  19,  254  ff. 

^  Cf.  Grimm,  Deutsche  Gram.  IV.  3. 


3 

^wv,  the  latter  may  be  left  out  altogether.  This  omission  is  par- 
ticularly common  with  impersonal  expressions.^  On  the  basis, 
however,  of  a  synoptic  view  of  all  available  languages  of  the  globe, 
H.  V.  d.  Gabelentz  ^  declares  that  the  completely  developed  passive 
is  that  which  is  not  only  personal  but  has  the  nomen  agentis  as 
well  made  clear  and  definite. 

§  4.  We  have  seen  that  logically  there  is  no  difference  between 
the  Active  and  the  Passive ;  the  contents  remain  essentially  the 
same,  tho  the  form  be  changed.  Intrinsically,  therefore,  the  Pas- 
sive is  a  linguistic  luxury,  used  for  the  sake  of  variety  and  color 
attained  thru  the  change  of  subjects,^  and  one  may  well  wonder 
with  H.  V.  d.  Gabelentz  —  Mauthner's  characterization  of  it  from 
the  stylist's  viewpoint  as  barbarisch  *  having  its  own  interest  — 
"  dass  so  viele  ganz  verschiedene  Sprachen  sich  in  der  Ausbildung 
einer  solchen  Form  begegnen,  fiir  welche  eine  innere  Nothwendig- 
keit  nicht  vorliegt."^  It  is  the  general  opinion  of  philologists  that 
the  primitive  Indo-European  language  (denoted  hereafter  as  I-E.) 
had  no  especial  form  for  the  Passive ;  at  least,  with  all  the  means 
of  comparative  philology  at  our  command,  it  is  difficult  to  prove 
the  existence  of  one.^  That,  as  far  as  the  passive  category  went, 
the  medial  forms  of  the  verb  were  employed  in  such  a  function,  is, 
however,  concluded  on  the  combined  testimony  of  Indo-Iranian, 
Greek,  Germanic  and  Italo-Celtic.  The  medium  designated  that 
the  subject  was  in  some  way  attracted  by  the  action  into  a 
sym-pathy,  as  Xovw  '  I  wash,'  but  Aovofiat  *  I  wash  myself  or  part 
of  my  body,'  rots  ^pasi  for  instance.  All  of  these  languages  con- 
tain I-E.  medial  terminations  in  more  or  less  modified  forms  and 
variety,  Sanskrit,  Avestan  and  Greek  being  nearest  to  the  original 
forms,  Italo-Celtic  perhaps  the  farthest  from  them  ;  the  Balto-Slavic 

1  To  which  cf.  Miklosich,  Vgl.  Gr.  IV.  364,  and  Denkschriften  der  Kais.  Aka- 
demie  der  Wissenschaften^  vol.  XIV. 

2  Uber  das  Passivum,  p.  540  ff. 

8  De  Sacy,  Grammaire  generate^  Ch.  II, 

*  Krit.  d.  Sprache,  III.  254.  ^  Uber  das  Passivum,  p.  455. 

6  For  details  of  the  short  account  given  here  of  the  Passive,  cf.  the  following 
authorities:  Delbriick,  Vgl.  Synt.  II.  p.  205  ff.,  432  ff.;  Thumb,  p.  279  ff.,  397  ff.; 
Synt.  Forschungen  (Delbriick),  V.  228  ff.;  Reichelt,  p.  298;  Brugmann,  Griech. 
Gr?  p.  458  ff.;  Hirt,  p.  332  ff.;  Synt.  Forsch.  IV.  67  ff.;  Sommer,  p.  507  ff.,  527 
ff.;  Miklosich,  IV.  p.  264,  830  ff.;  Vondrak,  II.  p.  183  ff.;  Schleicher,  p.  99, 
303 ff.;  Kurschat,  p.  286,  294  ff.;  Grimm,  IV.  9  ff.;  Streitberg,  Urg.  Gram.  §  212, 
Got.  El.^  p.  137  ff. 


cannot  be  considered  at  all  in  this  connection,  and  of  the  Ger- 
manic only  Gothic  has  a  present-stem  medio-passive  category. 

§  5.  Leaving  aside  the  new  formations  in  Sanskrit  and  Greek 
and,  of  course,  all  analytic  substitutes  such  as  in  Germanic  or 
Balto-Slavic,^  the  passive  verbal  forms  of  the  Indo-European  lan- 
guages may  be  traced  back  to  medial  forms.  The  inference  is  that, 
to  just  such  an  extent,  the  passive  must  have  functionally  been 
deduced  from  the  medium.  Since,  however,  we  find  the  perfect 
also  used  in  a  passive  sense  even  in  I-E.  times,  as  witness  Gk.  kc- 
KkrjTOL  '  he  is  called '  and  Sk.  juhure  '  they  are  poured,'  and  very 
early  combined  even  with  the  doer  of  the  'fait  accompli '  as  Z  56 
TrcTTon/Tat  .  .  .  Trpos  Tptuwv,  we  must  grant  the  perfect  also  its  own 
share  in  the  development  of  the  passive.  What  interests  us  most, 
however,  is  the  r61e  played  by  verbal  adjectives,  such  as  Gk.  -ros, 


1  The  new  Indo-Iranian  passive  in  -ya  from  intransitives  of  the  to  class  is  fully 
developed  in  Sanskrit,  but  has  deteriorated  in  Avestan.  In  making  use  of  the  ana- 
lytic expression  Avestan  requires  ah-  or  bav-  with  the  p.p.p,  but  Sanskrit  regularly 
omits  the  copula  as  tena  sarah  samdsdditam  *  by  him  a  pond  was  reached '  —  the 
highest  imaginable  development  of  the  passive  expression  according  to  Gaedicke, 
Akkusativ,  p.  42.  —  In  Greek  the  competition  of  the  act.  aorist  in  -drtv  with  the 
medial  aorist  in  -utiv  (Homeric  iKrddrjv  beside  passival  iKTd/injv),  resulting  in  the 
defeat  of  the  latter,  goes  back  to  I-E.  beginnings.  Specifically  Greek,  however, 
is  the  use  of  the  act.  intr.  forms  in  -r)v  in  passive  sense.  —  Since  the  Slavic  medio- 
passive  has  disappeared,  with  the  exception  of  the  p.p.p.  and  remnants  of  the 
pres.  p.p.  in  OBg.  and  Russian,  the  OBg.  passive  is  expressed  either  by  means  of 
a  newly  formed  medium  reflexivum,  nareceth  se  KKrjdi^aeTai,  Mt.  5, 19,  or  periphras- 
tically  thru  the  present  or  preterite  pass.  part,  and  dy^i.  Periphrastic  Lithuanian 
regularly  omits  the  auxiliary,  employing  simply  the  p.p.p.,  as  kardliaus  siustas^stni 
by  the  king.'  —  The  new  personal  endings  in  Latin  whose  chief  characteristic  is  r 
might  be  taken,  together  with  their  Celtic  parallels,  as  related  to  certain  active- 
medial  3rd  pi.  r-forms  in  Indo-Iranian,  as  Sk.  babhicv-ur  and  Av.  bdbv-ar',  ■<  bhu. 
(Sommer,  p.  529;  Zimmer  in  KZ.  30,  224;  Pedersen,  KZ.  40,  164.)  — Outside 
of  the  defective  medio-passives  in  Gothic  and  perhaps  an  isolated  instance  in  ON. 
keite,  1st  sg.  pres.  (cf.  Sievers,  PBB.  6,  561)  there  are  no  certain  traces  in  Ger- 
manic of  the  I-E.  endings.  Germanic  as  a  whole  has  adopted  the  periphrastic 
passive  with  *werpan  and  *wesan.  Entirely  new  is  the  ON.  reflexive  formed, 
like  in  Balto-Slavic  (cf.  Lithuanian  vadintis  KkKKf\Ta.C)  and  the  Romance  lan- 
guages, of  the  active  verb  and  the  reflexive  pronoun,  kallask  *he  is  called.' 
According  to  the  evidence  of  Greek  and  Sanskrit  a  similar  formation  must  have 
been  competing  even  with  the  I-E.  medium.  Cf.  Gk.  dtroKp-uirTfii  iixavrbv  beside 
diroKp^TrTOfiai,,  Od.  t,  i6o;  Sk.  ned  dtmdnam  vd  prthivim  vd  hindsdni  'lest  I 
injure  either  myself  or  the  earth,'  Sat.  Brdhm,  I,  2,  4,  7;  cf.  also  Bopp.  Vgl.  Gr. 
p.  loii;   S.F.  IV.  69  and  S.F,  V.  262. 


Sk.  -tds^  in  this  process.  Originally  indifferent  as  to  diathesis,^  as 
intransitive  pyno^^  srutds  but  passive  ttctttos,  paktds,  coctus,  this  per- 
fect participle  was  especially  well  fitted  to  express  passivity  because 
while,  as  a  participle,  it  denoted  a  being  or  object  at  rest,  as  a 
perfect  tense  it  designated  the  attainment  of  a  state  or  condition  of 
affairs  as  well.  It  is  not  to  be  wondered  at  that  we  observe  it  not 
only  forming  the  analytic  passives  with  auxiliary  verbs  in  Sanskrit, 
Avestan  (cf.  Greek  AcXv/xeVos  w,  d-qv  etc.),  Balto-Slavic,  Latin  and 
all  of  the  Germanic  dialects,  but  also,  since  the  earliest  periods, 
appearing  with  expressions  denoting  the  agency  of  the  action. 

§  6.  The  force  of  the  pass.  pret.  participles  in  -to  and  -no  thus 
employed  is  variable.  According  to  their  origin  they  are  both 
adjectives  and  verbals.  It  must  here  be  emphasized  for  the  Ger- 
manic that  combined  with  auxiliaries  they  form  a  unit  and  are  not 
felt  exclusively  as  predicate  adjectives,  contrary  to  Grimm,  IV.  717, 
but,  by  the  very  nature  of  the  passive  formation,  are  understood 
together  with  the  verb  as  a  verbal  predicate,  denoting  no  more  a 
condition  but  an  action.^  This  their  verbal  nature  is  borne  out  by 
the  fact  that  when  they  are  passives  they  can,  like  the  finite  passive 
verb,  take  the  same  case  as  the  passive  verb  itself:  pitds^  ukids^ 
opcKTo^  are  passives  in  force,  only  a  construction  like  pitfbhir  dattdh, 
cf.  RV.  10,  107,  I,  no  more  exists  in  Homer.'  But  to  denote  pos- 
sibility the  p.p.p.  shows  its  verbal  character  in  that  it  may  take  an 
instrumental  dative  or  a  preposition  to  express  the  agency,  N  323 
XaA.K(j)  r€  prjKT6<s  fieyaXoiac  re  ^apiULhioun  ;  SO  ^  568,  I  526,  V  65.  So, 
too,  the  Sk.  verbal  adjective  in  -ya  is  more  verbal  than  adjectival, 
for  it  may  be  compounded  with  the  same  preposition  as  the  verb 
to  which  it  belongs,  and  in  the  passive  may  be  combined  w4th 
the  instrumental  of  agency.^  There  is  no  doubt  in  my  mind  that 
the  modern  German  use  of  such  compound  passives  as  '  ist  — 
worden,''^  with  their  past  participle  strongly  adjectival,  has  been 
largely  responsible  for  the  wholesale  interpretation  in  similar  vein 
of  the  older  Germanic  participles.  A  prepositionless  nomen  agentis 
of  an  ambiguous  sort  expressed  with  these  younger  passives  would 
not,  of  course,  admit  of  any  other  interpretation  but  that  of  a  pure 
dative  of  personal  interest  with  adjectives.     The  evidence  of  the 

1  Cf.  also  Brugmann,  IF^  V.  117  f. 

2  Cf.  Kohler,  Germania,  XI.  287. 

8  Grdr>  IV.  §  160,  p.  484.  4  S.F.  V.  396. 

s  *  Ich  bin  gebunden  worden,'  cf.  Wilmanns,  Deutsche  Grammatik,  3I,  §  76. 


6 

other  allied  languages  shows,  however,  that  for  the  older  stages,  at 
least,  of  the  Germanic  dialects  such  a  viewpoint  is  decidedly  one- 
sided and  all  but  bears  the  stamp  of  purposeful  isolation. 

§  7.  In  general,  following  one  of  the  foremost  authorities,  a  two- 
fold division  may  be  established  as  to  the  syntactical  relation  of 
such  nomina  agentis  to  the  passive  verb,  according  to  the  mode  of 
thinking  of  the  various  languages.  They  may  conceive  of  the  per- 
son or  object  either  as  causing  the  action  or  as  sources  from  which 
the  action  originates.  In  the  words  of  H.  v.  d.  Gabelentz,^  "  da 
wo  man  das  Verhaltnis  der  Richtung,  in  welcher  jede  Thatigkeit 
sich  aussert,  iiberhaupt  nur  umgekehrt,  also  statt  des  Punktes,  wo- 
ven sie  ausgeht,  den  Punkt,  wohin  sie  geht,  zum  Subject  des  Satzes 
erhoben  hat,  wird  jener  —  das  Nomen  agentis  —  folgerichtig  in 
einem  Casus  stehn,  welcher  der  Frage  woher?  entspricht,  und  durch 
den  Ablativ  oder  durch  eine  Proposition  ausgedriickt  werden,  wel- 
cher die  Bedeutung  unseres  von  beiwohnt."  Types  of  the  Latin 
ab^  Romance  de^  da  etc.  are  meant,  as  well  as  similar  usages  in 
non-Indo-European  tongues,  such  as  the  Hungarian,  Tcheremiss, 
Chinese  and  various  Australasian  dialects.^  "  Wo  aber  das  Nomen 
agentis  bestimmter  als  die  Handlung  veranlassend,  als  wirkend 
Oder  thatig  gedacht  wird,  da  tritt  an  die  Stelle  des  Ablativs  der 
Instrumentalis  oder  eine  denselben  ausdriickende  Praposition." 
These  may  be  taken  as  the  two  comprehensive  rules  of  agency  to 
which  there  are  numerous  exceptions  among  the  languages  of  the 
globe.' 

§  8.  It  will  be  noticed  that  v.  d.  Gabelentz  narrows  himself  down 
to  but  two  alternatives.  This  is  just  the  casus  causae  et  controver- 
siae.  Where  are  we  to  place  the  so-called  Dative  of  Personal  Agency 
which  we  find  represented  in  so  many  of  the  Indo-European  lan- 
guages ?    How  are  examples  such  as  the  following  to  be  construed  ?  * 

Sanskrit:  sdkhibhya  tdyah^  01 

prd  mt  pdntha  devayand  adrsran^  RV.  7,  76,  2. 
Avestan:    yesnyo  vahmyo  visppmai  aTduhe  astvaite,  Yf.  5,  i. 

yahmai    xsnuto    bavaiti,   yahmai    tbisto    bavaiti,    Yt     10, 

87. 

^  Uber  das  Passivum,  p.  540. 
2  Cf.  also  Hubschmann,  Zur  Casuslehre,  p.  1 24. 

8  For  non-I-E.  languages  I  again  refer  to  Winkler,  Zur  Sprachgeschichte,  p. 
75  flf.  et  passim. 

*  Cf.  Vgl.  Synt.  I.  §  143  and  Grdr?-  II.  §  491.  &  S.F.  V.  396. 


Latin:    meditata  mi  hi  sunt  omnia  mea  incommoda^  Ter.  Phorm. 
248. 
arcus  subspiciunty    mortalibus  quae  perhibetur    Iris,    Enn. 
Ann.  409.^ 

but  especially 

Greek:  roo-avra  \i.oi  elp-qaOo),  Lys.  24,  4,  and 
8afi€v  "EKTopi  Stft),  ^  103. 

as  well  as  of  the  Germanic  dialects  : 

Gothic:  ei  gaumjaindau  mannam^  Mt.  VI.  5,  ottws  av  ^avwo-tv 

</«/  saiJvan  im^  Mt.  VI.  i,  tt/oos  to  QtaBr\va.i  avroi? 
Anglo-Saxon  :  wear'd  da  him  inweardlice  gelufod,  Aelfric's  Horn} 

fromcynne  folde  weorde'd  />tne  gefylled^  Caedm.  Gen,  1765. 
Old    Norse:    Nordimbraland  var  mesi  byggt   Nordmgnnum, 
Fornm.  I.  Ch.  15. 

vask  forimr  verum  vegin  at husi,  Ghv.  10*. 

§  9.  The  general  opinion  held  of  these  datives  —  the  Germanic 
varieties  have  not  yet  been  discussed  in  this  relation  —  is  that  they 
are  in  and  for  themselves  a  mere  subtype,  "  Abart,"'  of  the  dative 
of  personal  interest.  "  Dieser  Dativ  ist  natiirlich  ein  Dativ  der 
betheiligten  Person,  wirkt  aber  als  Agens."*  Sdkhibhya  idyah 
thus  really  means  *  to  be  praised /7r  the  friends  ' ;  that  it  manifests, 
besides  the  force  of  the  dative,  a  strong  auctorial  self-assertion  — 
we  must  render  it  *  by  the  friends  '  —  is  to  be  attributed  not  to  the 
dative  but  to  its  connection  with  the  verbal  noun  which  itself  con- 
tains the  idea  of  necessity.^  So  Brugmann,^  "  Dass  die  interessierte 
Person  zugleich  als  Vollzieher  der  Handlung  zu  denken  sei,  ergab 
nur  der  Zusammenhang." 

§  10.  It  is  not  easy,  however,  consistently  to  extend  this  distinc- 
tion with  reference  to  all  the  instances  and  categories  available  in 
the  above  languages.  There  are  certain  well-defined  examples 
which  refuse  even  on  the  closest  scrutiny  to  reveal  a  connotation 

1  The  references  thniout  these  pages  are  to  R.  Y.  Tyrrell's  edition  of  Terence, 
Oxf.,  1902,  and  J.  Vahlen's  Ennianae  poesis  reliquiae^  Lipsiae,  1903. 
*  Thorpe's  ed.  I.  1843:  Assumption  of  St.  John^  1.  16. 

«  Landgraf  in  Wolffiin's  ArchiVy  8,  39.  *  Delbriick,  Vgl.  Synt.  I.  §  143. 

6  Ibid.  p.  297.  6  Grdr?-  II.  §  491. 


8 

of  commodi  or  incommodi  whether  inherent  in  the  dative  or  induced 
by  its  connections.^  A  Ciceronian  dissimillimis  bestiolis  com- 
muniter  cibus  quaeritur,  Deor.  Nat.  II.  48,  128,  may  indeed  admit 
of  but  one  view,  but,  to  keep  to  Latin  and  Cicero  for  the  moment, 
already  an  example  like  Tusc.  II.  4,  15  est  igitur  ad  hunc  modum 
sermo  ilk  nobis  institutus  demands  more  than  a  casual  glance  for 
final  disposition.  Furthermore,  how  are  we  to  distinguish  between 
an  oft-encountered  alicui  iudicatum  est  and  ad  Att.  8,  3,  7,  legionem 
Fans  to  conscriptam  where,  in  view  of  the  context,  one  clearly 
cannot  talk  of  a  dative  of  interest,  since  Faustus  raised  the  legion 
not  for  himself,  but  for  Pompey.  —  So,  too,  in  Greek,  while  there 
may  be  no  difficulty  at  all  about  y  138  t<5  8c  kc  vtKiyo-ai/Tt  <^t'A»y 
K€K\-^(TYf  ttKotTis  and  still  less,  once  its  bearings  are  defined,  about 
Herod.  7,  168  ov  <T<f>L  TrcpLOTrrirj  ia-rl  -^  'EAXas  ajroWv/xevr},  can  we 
translate  N  168  S6pv  jxaKpov,  6  ol  KkKrC-q^i  XfXtmro  with  Monro,^ 
simply  as  'which  for  him  was  left  in  the  tent,'  when  the  warrior 
who  was  the  beneficiary  of  this  act  was  also  the  very  same  Meriones 
who  had  left  the  spear  behind?  And  is  S  177  ava(T<rovTai  h^ifioi 
avTio,  where  the  *  interest  '-element  is  clearly  not  in  the  agent,  to 
be  put  in  the  same  category  with  y  138  above  and  its  likes  ?  Meet- 
ing with  such  examples  in  Greek  literature,  one  must  pause  and 
inquire  if  they  all  should  be  classed  as  having  an  exclusively 
datival  connotation  or  whether,  with  due  regard  to  the  constituent 
elements  of  what  we  call  the  Greek  '  dative,'  we  should  not  be  per- 
mitted rather  to  fix  our  attention  upon  more  logical  sources,  namely, 
upon  the  instrumental  whose  functions  in  Greek  —  to  postpone  the 
discussion  of  the  Germanic  features  —  have  fused  into  those  of  the 
dative. 

§11.  Latin  and  Greek  have  been  selected  in  the  foregoing  para- 
graph, because  they  typify  the  whole  situation  with  respect  to  the 
Dative  of  Agency.  In  the  one  we  find  an  instance  where  the  func- 
tions of  the  Dative  of  the  I-E.  mother-tongue  seem  to  have  been 
preserved  substantially  uncontaminated.     In  the  other,  however, 

1  Right  here,  to  avoid  a  misunderstanding,  the  remark  must  be  appended  that, 
where  such  datives  fail  to  disclose  the  idea  of  advantage  or  disadvantage,  it  by 
no  means  follows  that  they  could  not  have  developed  their  apparently  exclusively 
auctorial  connotation  from  that  of  pure  personal  interest  probably  even  before  the 
dialectal  separation  of  the  Indo-European  languages.  This  will  be  made  clear  in 
the  succeeding  chapters. 

2  Grammar  of  the  Homeric  Dialect,  §  143,  5, 


9 

we  can  point  to  numerous  traces  of  a  usage,  namely  that  of  the 
Instrumental,  which  is  essentially  foreign  to  the  Dative  as  we  con- 
ceive of  it  at  its  inceptional  stage.  The  problem  that  confronts  us 
then  is  to  investigate  as  far  as  possible  to  what  extent  we  may  in 
the  leading  Indo-European  languages  resolve  into  its  constituent 
elements  a  usage  common  to  two  cases  that  are  vitally  different 
from  one  another  but  which  have,  in  the  course  of  linguistic  devel- 
opment, met  on  several  common  grounds  and  have  in  a  variable 
measure  merged  before  historic  times.  Specifically,  to  find  out  in 
what  languages  the  so-called  Dative  of  Agency  may  be  attributed 
exclusively  to  the  expansion  of  the  original  Dative  itself  and  in  what 
instances  it  may  be  traced  back  to  an  original  Instrumental  function. 
To  this  end  it  will  be  necessary  to  discuss  fully  the  force  and  use 
of  both  these  cases. 


CHAPTER   II 
The  Force  of  the  Dative  and  of  the  Instrumental 

It  must  be  remembered  that  we  are  in  the  dark  as  to  how  the 
eight  I-E.  form-groups,  called  cases,  came  to  acquire  their  termina- 
tions, hence  our  comparative  ignorance  of  their  basic  significations.^ 

The  Dative.  §  12.  The  fundamental  meaning  of  the  I-E.  Dative, 
as  far  as  we  are  justified  in  seeking  for  one,  i.e,  abstracting  it  from 
the  various  functional  types  we  know,^  is  thus  still  a  matter  of  con- 
troversy, and  this  entirely  aside  from  the  general  character  attrib- 
uted to  it  in  chronological  sequence  by  Empiricists  of  the  Sanctius 
school,  Categorists  of  the  Hermann  type,  and  Logicians  like  Michel- 
sen.  The  statements  of  these  theorists  are  to-day  merely  of  historic 
interest.  For  our  purposes  the  beginning  is  made  by  the  Localists. 
According  to  Hartung,^  to  whom  the  spatial  relations  natural  to  the 
human  mind,  viz.  those  of  Wherefrom  ?  Where  ?  and  Whereto  ?  stood 
for  the  raison  d'etre  of  our  oblique  cases,  the  Dative  w^as  that  which 
assumed  the  middle  category  of  absolute  rest  and  answered  to  the 
question  Where?  Fourteen  years  after  him  Rumpel*  denied  that 
the  chief  cases  of  the  Indo-European  languages  served  local  rela- 
tions and,  as  against  his  predecessor's  mistaken  attempt  to  transfer 
the  laws  of  thought  into  the  realm  of  speech,  declared  them  to  be 
purely  grammatical.  The  Dative  thus  was  designed  simply  to  ex- 
pand the  pure  sentence-matter,  Satzsubstanz,  represented  by  the 
union  of  subject  and  predicate,  whenever  it  was  desired  to  express 
the  fact  that  the  action  denoted  by  such  a  '  substance '  was  for  the 
benefit  or  disadvantage  of  some  one.     "  Dies  und  nichts  anderes 

1  Cf.  IF.  17,  40  ff. 

2  «  Was  man  gewohnlich  die  Grundbedeutung  oder  den  Grundbegriff  der  Ka- 
sus  nennt,  ist  der  Gebrauchsumfang,  den  sie  in  derjenigen  Zeit  der  idg.  Urgemein- 
schaft  batten,  in  die  wir  durch  Vergleichung  der  verschiedenen  idg.  Sprachen 
miteinander  zunachst  zuriickkommen."     Brugmann,  Griech.  Gr?  p.  374. 

3  Ueber  die  Casus,  ihre  Bildung  und  Bedeutung  in  der  griechischen  und  latei- 
nischen  Sprache,  Erlangen,  1831. 

*  In  his  Casuslehre  in  besonderer  Beziehung  auf  die  griechische  Sprache, 
Halle,  1845. 

10 


11 

meint  man  mit  dem  bekannten  Terminus,  dass  der  Dativ  die  be- 
theiligte  Person  bezeichne."^  Rumpel  arrived  only  at  a  half-truth 
because  he  based  his  investigations  on  Greek  alone,  but  in  the  main 
his  findings  have  not  suffered  radical  revision. 

§  13.  It  is  true  that  in  his  treatise  De  usu  dativi  in  carminibus 
Rigvedae  ^  Delbriick  made  out  a  presentable  brief  for  the  reconsider- 
ation of  the  Dative  from  the  localistic  point  of  view,  insisting,  how- 
ever, that  the  question  be  altered  from  Where?  to  Whereto?  and 
that  the  Dative  be  felt  as  a  casus  finalis  denoting  "  die  korperliche 
neigung  nach  etwas  hin,"'  but  in  his  later  works  *  he  turned  to  the 
conception  advocated  by  Hiibschmann  who,  while  in  favor  of  the 
Dative  as  a  final  case  because  of  its  partly  final  uses,  is  nevertheless 
inclined  to  see  in  it  a  purely  grammatical  case  of  the  indirect  object 
"welchem  die  Aussage  gilt."^  The  pivot  of  contention  this  time 
was  the  fact  that  the  I-E.  dative  did  not  combine  with  prepositions, 
something  which  it  would  not  have  failed  to  do  had  it  originally 
been  a  local  case.  Sanctius  already  realized  this  with  respect  to 
the  Greek  and,  while  Delbriick  was  the  first  *  to  extend  this  obser- 
vation to  Indo-European,  he  failed  to  draw  the  correct  conclusion 
from  it.^  In  accordance,  however,  with  Hiibschmann's  reasoning, 
but  especially  because  of  Gaedicke,^  he  modified  his  former  views 
even  as  to  the  Vedic  dative.®  As  the  Dative  now  stands,  viewed 
not  syncretistically  in  the  form  of  its  several  constituents,  but  in  its 
original  force,  it  is  the  case  of  interest,  overwhelmingly  of  personal 
interest.^® 

§  14.  There  is  to-day,  at  all  events,  an  interesting  recrudescence 
of  localism.  The  arguments  of  Hirt,^^  supported  as  they  are  by  the 
uses  of  the  dative  in  Slavic,^'^  are  the  more  plausible  since  dative 
and  locative  seem  to  have  originally  been  identical  in  form  and 
dififerentiated  only  in  accentual  respect,  as  Sk.  dzX.piire,  \oc.  pitdrt, 

1  Casuslehre  in  besonderer  Beziekung  auf  die  griechische  Spracke,  p.  171. 

2  Halis,  1867;  given  in  substance  in  KZ,  18  (1869),  ^Ueberden  indogermani- 
scken,  speciell  den  vedischen  dativ! 

8  KZ.  ubi  supra,  p.  100.  *  First  in  S.F.  IV.  53. 

S  Zur  Casuslehre,  p.  137,  213.  ^  j^z.  18,  106. 

7  Cf.  also  Pischel,  BB.  I.  in. 

8  Uber  den  Akkusativ  im  Veda,  Breslau,  1880,  p.  137  ff. 
®  Altindische  Syntax,  S.  F.  V.  140. 

10  Cf.  also  Winkler,  Zur  Sprachgeschichte,  p.   193  ff.;     Uralalt.    Volker  u. 
Sprach.  ad  loc;   Zur  idg.  Syntax,  p.  lo  ff.;    Germanische  Casussyntax,  p.  541. 
n  Handbuch,  §  301,  etc.  12  Miklosich,  Vgl.  Gr.  IV.  576. 


12 

the  dative  suffix  -at  seems  to  be  Vollstufe  to  the  local  -i,  i.e.  origi- 
nally we  have  a  dat.  *paterai  and  a  loc.  ^paterai}  That  there  is 
ample  ground  for  a  partial  disagreement  as  to  the  Vedic  dative  is 
evidenced  by  Whitney;^  PischeP  interprets  it  as  a  terminative 
case,  Speyer*  as  both  a  "Z/^"  and  a  "^2^r"-case,  Hopkins^  as  a 
case  of  direction.  Solmsen®  holds  that  the  I-E.  case-form  called 
Dative  must  originally  have  had  both  the  ending  -ei  and  that  of  -di^ 
consequently  it  was  probably  a  combination  of  two  once  sharply 
differentiated  cases,  namely  that  of  interest  and  also  of  finality, 
ibid.  p.  167.  Brugmann  himself^  is  not  disinclined  to  a  reversion 
in  some  details  to  the  older  view.  For  the  Germanic  cf.  Dietrich 
in  HZ.  13,  128,  the  Latin,  Deecke  in  Progr.  Muhlhausen^  1890, 
p.  31  f.,  and  more  recently  Gustafsson,  De  dativo  Latino^  Helsing- 
fors,  1904,  based  mostly  on  verbs  of  motion. 

§  15.  A  far  graver  charge  to  my  mind,  as  far  as  fundamentals 
are  concerned,  is  that  the  Grundbegriff  given  by  Hiibschmann  may 
be  somewhat  too  abstract  for  the  beginnings  of  human  language.^ 
Even  if  we  grant  that  extreme  primitiveness  as  such  cannot  very 
well  be  attributed  to  the  Indo-European  linguistic  unit  immediately 
before  its  subdivision,  still  we  feel  obliged  to  second  Mourek,  in 
reviewing  Delbriick's  Synkretismus^  "  Solche  geistig  hoher  stehende 
griinde  sind  fur  die  urzeiten  undenkbar,  da  muss  man  von  roheren, 
ausserlicheren  anschauungen  ausgehen,  und  das  ist  die  raumliche, 
von  welcher  man  viel  leichter  zu  der  weiter  entwickelten  interessen- 
auffassung  gelangt  als  umgekehrt."  So  Siitterlin  against  an  anti- 
localistic  view  in  Wesen  der  sprachlichen  Gebilde,  Heidelb.  1902, 
p.  108. 

§  16.  As  far  as  the  development  of  the  function  of  agency  is 
concerned,  however,  we  are  obliged  to  begin  with  that  of  interest. 
Granted,  as  above,  that  the  latter  was  not  a  Grundbegriff  but  only 
a  secondary  and  derived  stage,  it  is  quite  an  effort  to  connect  inter- 
est with  a  local  basis,  —  the  easy  interpretation  of  the  dative  as  such 

1  For  a  dat.  sg.  *-oia^  cf.  Bartholomae  in  Sitzungsberichte,  19 10,  5  der  Heidel- 
berger  Akademie  der  Wissenschaften^  phil.-hist.  Kl.  and  a  resume  of  it  in  IFA. 
29,  40  ff. 

2  AJP.  13,  285.  3  ubi  supra.  ^  VuSS.  1896,  p.  13.   R 

6  TrAPA.  37,  87  ff.  and //^  (95.  28,  360.  «  j^z.  vol.  44,  p.  161  ff. 

7  Grdr.^  II.  p.  474. 

8  Holzweissig,  Uber  den  soc.-instr.  Gebrauch  des  Dativs  bei  Horner^  Progr. 
Burg,  1885,  p.  7. 

9  Zs.f.  d.  Alter t.  38  (1908),  p.  117. 


13 

a  local  case  is  made  possible  only  where  the  idea  of  finality  is 
already  present  in  the  verbal  idea,  otherwise  it  appears  violently 
forced,  —  let  alone  the  explanation  of  the  dativus  ethicus  and  the 
dativus  auctoris  from  the  same  source;^  these  two  types  may  be 
said  to  be  the  strongest  proofs  against  the  dative  as  a  Wohin-c2iS^} 
But  from  the  dativus  commodi  vel  incommodi^  the  dativus  auctoris 
may  easily  be  deduced  as  but  one  of  the  looser  relations  which  the 
dative  case  bears  to  the  predicate  of  the  sentence,  in  that  with  pas- 
sive verbals  the  person  interested  in  the  action  may  be  the  identical 
one  who  also  performs  the  action.  The  sentence-substance  would, 
indeed,  be  complete  without  such  an  addition,  but  once  it  is  desired 
to  denote  clearly  for  whom  or  at  whose  expense^  advantage  or  detri- 
ment something  occurs,  the  dative  of  agency  is  the  most  natural  to 
subjoin.  Thus  employed  it  is  stronger  than  the  fundamentally 
allied  dativus  ethicus  (Buttmann)  as  when  Horace,  Ep.  I.  3, 15,  says, 
Quid  mi  hi  Celsus  agit?,  stronger  even  than  a  pure  dative  of  inter- 
est. In  Cic.  in  Verr.  II.  8,  22  Verres  hunc  hominem  Veneri  absol- 
vit,  the  action  is  to  all  intents  and  purposes  the  acquittal  of  the 
man ;  that  this  acquittal  is  on  behalf  of  or  in  relation  to  Venus,  is 
without  the  bounds  of  immediate  consideration.  Not  so,  however, 
Ter.  Phorm.  2,  i,  18  meditata  mi  hi  sunt  omnia  mea  incommoda 
where  the  dative  is  part  of  the  warp  and  woof  of  the  predicated 
substance  and  designates  as  much  the  person  that  has  caused  the 
action  as  the  one  who  is  a  party  interested  therein.  The  construc- 
tion in  its  purest  form  is  reached  in  instances  where  the  former 
concept  is  the  sole  and  dominating  one,  as  when  Sallust  writes, 
Jug.  107,  I  saepe  antea  paucis  strenuis  advorsum  multitudinem 

1  Gaedicke,  op.  cit.  p.  134. 

2  Of  course,  it  is  not  absolutely  impossible  for  the  dat.  commodi  to  have  devel- 
oped from  a  basic  local  relation,  witness  the  following  schemes,  (a)  *iibi  venioy 
(b)  *adiutor  tibi  venio^  (c)  adiutor  tibi  sum,  or  (a)  *i\d€iv  rivi,  'to  or  for 
one,'  (b)  id.,  *for  one,'  (c)  dyaa-rijpal  rivi. 

^  Rumpel,  o/>.  cit.  p.  286,  acutely  observed  that  this  term  is  grammatically  un- 
tenable :  all  that  the  dative  expresses  in  this  use  is  that  something,  be  it  a  person 
or  an  object,  is  interested  in  the  action,  participates  in  it  to  such  and  such  an 
extent,  whether  however  to  its  advantage  or  disadvantage,  is  evidenced  only  by 
the  context,  not  at  all  postulated  by  the  grammatical  form  itself.  So  Hiibschmann, 
op.  cit.  p.  71.  The  Greek  dLvaaTrjval  tlvi  is  *  to  rise,'  but  rivl  itself  does  not  in- 
dicate whether  this  rising  is  out  of  regard  for  some  one  or,  indeed,  against  him  as 
in  anger.  Cf.  also  the  Latin  Cic.  in  Verr.  II.  8,  22,  Verres  hunc  hominem 
Veneri  absolvit,  sibi  condemnat,  as  expounded  in  Haase,  Vorlesungen,  II.  147. 
The  term,  however,  is  retained  because  of  its  convenience.     Vgl.  Synt.  I.  p.  296. 


14 

bene  pugnatum,  rendered  clear  by  the  identical  construction  in  114, 
I  with  ab  ducibus  nostris^  or  Virg.  Buc,  VI.  72  ara  quae  maxima 
semper  dicetur  nobis,  i.e.  Xcyctv,  or  Propertius  IV.  14,  41  prata 
cruentaniur  Zetho,  about  all  of  which  anon.  The  fact  stands  clear 
that  the  dat.  commodi  has  in  it  the  potentialities  of  a  development 
into  a  dat.  auctoris.  So  much  so  that  in  all  Indo-European  lan- 
guages a  dat.  of  the  person,  even  when  it  accompanies  the  nomina- 
tive of  a  verbal  substantive,  is  felt  as  the  logical  subject  of  the 
action :  mir  ist  sorge  =  ich  sorge  mich,  O.  Lat.  quid  tibi  hanc  tactio 
est  =  quid  hanc  tangis,  and  similarly  in  Greek,  Slavic  and  Sanskrit.^ 

The  Instrumental.  §  17.  The  Sanskrit  Instrumental  —  and  to 
the  Sanskrit  we  continue  to  go  back  for  our  syntactical  bearings  — 
contains  three  distinct  ideas,  (a)  prosecution,  (b)  association,  {c)  in- 
strumentality. Schleicher  assumed  ^  for  the  original  I-E.  instru- 
mental ^two  entirely  different  suffixes,  -a  and  -bhi,  cf .  Gk.  afia,  raxa 
and  Homeric  -<^t  and  -<^iv,  and  accordingly  postulated  two  originally 
even  functionally  differentiated  cases,  one  expressing  association, 
the  other —  tho  he  is  unable  to  make  a  sharp  line  of  demarcation  — 
means  or  instrument.^  This  would  indicate  that  originally  the 
instrumental  had  a  form  distinct  from  that  of  the  sociative,  called 
also  comitative.  Since,  however,  Delbriick  *  disclosed  the  fact  that 
the  I-E.  comitative  functioned  also  as  a  prosecutive,  practically  all 
the  subsequent  investigators  agree  with  him  in  attributing  to  the 
so-called  Instrumental  a  primarily  sociative  force,  with  the  idea  of 
means  or  instrument  proper  as  much  of  a  logical  derivative  from 
this  basic  concept  as  the  prosecutive  for  which  there  has  been  found 
or  proposed  no  separate  case-form.  Those  who  reject  these  con- 
clusions differ  not  in  ascribing  another  primitive  '  Grundbegriff^  to 
the  instrumental  but  rather  in  refusing  to  attach  to  it  any  '  Grund- 
begriff^  whatever. 

§  18.  A  notable  exception  is  Miklosich,  who  in  a  localistic  man- 
ner derives  all  of  the  types  in  question  from  an  original  prosecutive,® 

^  Jolly,  Infinitivy  p.  265.  2  Compendium^,  577. 

8  This  view  of  Schleicher's,  doubted  by  Delbriick,  Vgl.  Synt.  I.  p.  184,  note, 
would  give  us  eight  original  I-E.  cases  without  counting  the  vocative,  a  number 
which,  tho  greater  than  we  accept  to-day,  is  in  turn  less  than  the  number  demanded 
by  Miklosich,  Vgl.  Gr.  IV.  449;  cf.  Hubschmann,  op.  cit.  p.  127,  note. 

*^Z/.p.53. 

^  "  diejenigen  Theile  des  Raumes  oder  der  Zeit,  fiber  welche  sich  eine  Hand- 
lung  ununterbrochen  erstreckt,"  ALL  p.  50. 


15 

"wie  bei  den  iibrigen  casus,  so  gehe  ich  auch  bei  dem  inst.  von 
dessen  raumlicher  function  aus."^  As  this  is  merely  a  theoretical 
point  of  difference  and  in  no  wise  alters  the  fact  that  the  instru- 
mental is  not  original  in  its  function  of  means,  but  owes  its  pro- 
venience to  some  other  function,  we  will  not  here  pause  to  discuss 
it,  but  merely  point  out  the  comparative  difficulty  of  conceiving  the 
prosecutive  as  this  fountain-head. 

§  19.  Panini  already^  recognized,  at  least  from  the  usage  of 
Sanskrit,  that  the  instrumental  lends  itself  to  the  designation  of  the 
personal  agent,  in  so  far  as  it  is  not  already  included  in  the  verb, 
just  as  well  as  to  that  of  material  instrument.^  If  the  nominative 
expressed  the  sentence-substance  as  devadattah  pacati^  *  D.  is  cook- 
ing,' the  instrumental  could  put  it  as  devadatfena  pacyafe  tandulah, 
'rice  is  being  cooked  by  D.'*  In  a  word  the  kartar  could  be  ex- 
pressed by  the  same  case  as  that  which  denoted  the  karana,  the 
tool  or  means,  as  well,  datrena  lunaii  *he  cuts  with  the  sickle.'* 
That  these  were  connected  with  the  sociative  rendered  by  the  same 
case,  he  indicates  in  II.  3,  19.® 

§  20.  As  to  the  theory  of  transitions,  by  extending  the  notions 
of  concomitancy  and  accompaniment  from  spatial  and  even  tem- 
poral considerations  —  case-forms  must  "  von  jeher  der  Darstellung 
ausserer,  lokaler,  temporaler  oder  sonstiger  sinnlich  anschaulicher 
Beziehungen  gedient  haben,"^  —  to  more  or  less  logical  categories, 
we  easily  reach  the  inst.  of  means  as  that  qualificative  with  which, 
in  the  company  of  which,  the  action  takes  place.  The  distinction 
is  somewhat  that  between  living  beings  and  inanimate  objects.® 
Consider,  too,  our  English  usage  whereby  *  with^^  originally  merely 
associative  —  cf.  Whitney's  ''  W^//>^  "-case  —  has  developed  into  an 
instrumental  preposition ;  similar  is  the  connection  between  Ger- 
man '  mW  and  *  mitiels.^    That  persons  as  well  as  objects,  inanimate 

1  Vgl.  Gr.  IV.  683.  2  Ed.  Bothlingk,  Leipzig,  1887.  »  I.  4,  50. 

*  In  all  that  follows,  the  mention  of  the  instrumental  in  such  subjective  function 
is  always  in  connection  with  the  passive  construction.  Excluded,  therefore,  are 
such  uses  of  a  subject-instrumental  as  occur  in  impersonal  expressions  in  Avestan, 
Geldner,  KZ.  31,  319  ff.;  Slavic,  Miklosich,  Vgl.  Gr.  IV.  352,  692;  and  even 
Old  Norse,  Pedersen,  KZ.  40,  138  ff.,  against  whom  cf.  Neckel  in  IF.  21,  182  ff., 
where,  however,  the  verb  is  active,  as  Y.  48,  l,  yezi  addii  did  drupm  v^Tdhaifif 
podnimdlo  Vasilija  svjatym  diichom,  lystr  vindinum  ofan  i  holit,  very  much  like 
the  non-Indo-European  expressions  of  agency  indicated  in  Ch.  I.  §  i. 

5  I.  4,  42.  ^  Cf.  HUbschmann,  op.  cit.  p.  143,  note. 

'  Grdr.'^  II.  §  451.  8  Giles,  Comp.  Phil.  269. 


16 

or  personified,  may  also  be  thought  of  as  instruments  of  action, 
visvam  so  agne  jayati  tvdya  dhanam,  '  thru  thee,  Agni ' ;  and  that 
this  is  quite  as  logically  permissible  in  the  passive  as  in  the  active 
construction  and  thus  a  sdsydte  kavibhih,  *he  is  praised  by  the 
singers,'  is  but  a  natural  step  from  sdsydte  vdcobhih,  '  he  is  praised 
with,  by  words;*  are  so  many  corollaries  to  be  expected  from  this 
circumstance.^  So  that  the  Instrumental  of  Agency  with  passives 
has  its  origin  in  the  Inst,  of  Means  with  actives  and,  farther  back, 
in  the  Inst,  of  Association. 

§  21.  The  instrumental  with  the  passive  —  to  neglect  for  the 
nonce  the  possibilities  of  -tos  and  of  the  medio-passive  —  does  not, 
indeed,  represent  an  original  use,  for  the  simple  reason  that  the 
passive  expression  was  not  native  to  the  I-E.  language,  but  devel- 
oped in  its  very  essentials  in  the  various  branches  into  which  the 
*  Ursprache '  broke  up.^  But  even  in  this  separate  formation  of 
passives,  the  thus  appended  instrumental  of  agency  originally  de- 
noted mere  concomitancy.^  Thus  when,  for  instance,  the  active 
intransitive  verb  which,  in  terms  such  as  *  the  house  burns, ^  does  not 
represent  the  real  causer  of  the  occurrence,  begins  its  course  of 
development  towards  the  passive  by  attaching  to  its  grammatical 
subject  the  real  subject  of  the  action,  this  logical  subject  is,  accord- 
ing to  Indo-European  custom,  placed  in  the  instrumental.  The 
Greek  aorist  iSdfirjv  signifies  merely  '  to  be  tame  ' ;  U-qXetoyvL  Sa/xet?, 
indeed,  'tamed,  killed  by  P.,'  but  the  latter  is  an  extension  of  a 
purely  sociative  connection,  "gestorben  unter  Mitwirkung  des 
Peliden."* 

§  22.  This  instrumental  of  agency  based  on  an  older  inst.  of 
association  and  the  dative  of  agency  derived  from  an  older  dative 
of  interest  bear  the  following  relation  to  each  other  :  In  Latin,  aside 
from  the  prepositional  phrases,  only  the  dative  is  found  expressing 
agency  with  passive  constructions  ;  in  Sanskrit,  however,  as  well  as 
in  Avestan,  there  is  both  a  dative  and  an  instrumental  of  agency ; 
in  Slavic,  —  Lithuanian  employs  the  genitive,  —  on  the  other  hand, 
the  instrumental  has  been  the  choice ;  lastly,  Greek  and  the  Ger- 
manic dialects,  so  Gothic,  Anglo-Saxon,  and  Old  Norse,  evidence  a 
dative  which  partakes  of  both  a  datival  and  an  instrumental  char- 
acter.    Save  in  the  instance  of  these  two  doubtful  branches,  we  are 

1  Delbriick,  S.K  V.  135  and  VgL  Synt.  I.  §  123. 

2  Cf.  Ch.  I.  §  4,  and  Vgl.  Synt.  I.  p.  184. 

3  5.  F.  IV.  p.  78.  *  Delbriick,  S.F.  IV.  ubi  supra. 


17 

reasonably  certain  of  the  interrelations  and  delimitations  of  the 
two  means  of  agency  along  the  whole  line  of  Indo-European  lan- 
guages, and  we  shall  later  be  in  a  position  to  follow  up  the  various 
steps  thru  which  Agency  is  reached  from  its  two  sources  here  con- 
sidered. The  amalgamation^  of  the  dative  with  the  instrumental 
in  these  languages  next  requires  our  attention. 

1  The  tenn  is  found  in  Miles,  Comp.  Syntax ^  p.  31. 


CHAPTER   III 

Syncretism  of  the  Dative  and  of  the  Instrumental 

Syncretism  in  General.^  §  23.  Since  Bopp's  investigations 
disclosed  that  the  I-E.  parent  language  must  have  possessed  eight  '- 
well-defined  case-forms,  viz.  nominative,  vocative,  accusative,  geni- 
tive, ablative,  locative,  instrumental  and  dative,  with  separate  case- 
suffixes  for  all,  save  the  vocative,^  and  the  works  of  succeeding 
grammarians  successfully  postulated  for  each  of  the  derived  lan- 
guages an  originally  identical  number  of  cases,  there  have  been 
queries  as  to  why  this  number  was  reduced  in  the  various  I-E. 
dialects.  Lassen '  first  drew  the  correct  inference  as  regards  Latin 
and  Greek,  "  namlich  ausser  den  sechs  Lateinischen  einen  Instru- 
mentalis  und  einen  Locativ."  Weissenborn's  review  of  Madvig  a 
decade  after  was  a  distinct  advance  on  this  in  that  it  declared  that 
this  locative  and  instrumental  were  really  expressed  in  Greek  and 
German  by  what  was  called  the  dative,  and  in  the  Latin  by  the 
ablative.*  Omitting  names  like  Jacobs  ^  which  spell  retrogression, 
we  meet  with  added  confirmation  in  Pott  who  was  also  the  first  to 
apply  the  term  'syncretistic,'®  and  in  Curtius,'  who  proposed  the 
name  '•  Mischcasus^  in  reference  to  case-forms  and  functions  like 
the  Latin  ablative  and  the  Greek  dative.  It  remained  for  Delbriick 
to  follow  out  these  indications  and,  in  reliance  on  Vedic  Sanskrit, 
to  set  down  the  norm  for  the  ultimate  analysis  of  the  I-E.  syncre- 

1  A  part  of  this  sketch  goes  back  in  substance  to  Hubschmann,  Zur  Casus- 
UhrCy  pp.  74-93,  and  Zieler,  Beitrage  z.  Geschichte  d.  Lat.  Abl.  1892,  pp.  6-8. 

2  Cf.  Brugmann,  Grdr?'  II.  p.  474  ff. ;  for  the  opposite  view  that  the  number  of 
cases  was  originally  less  than  in  Sanskrit,  and  that  the  specialization  came  about 
after  the  so-called  dialectal  scission,  see  Diintzer,  KZ.  XVII  (1867).  53.  Ludwig, 
Agglutination  oder  Adaptation^  1873,  also  subscribes  to  this  system  of  accretion. 

3  Rheinisches  Museum  fur  Philologie^  1834,  II.  148. 

*  Neue  Jahrbiicher  f.  Phil.  u.  Pad.  1845,  m*  34'- 
^  Zs.  f.  d.  Gymnasialwesen^  1847,  f^*  '°3* 

*  Prdpositionen^  1859,  p.  16. 

■^  Cf.  Verhandlungen  der  22  ten  Versammlung  deut.  Philologen  zu  Meissen^ 
1863,  p.  49. 

18 


19 

tistic  cases.  His  Ablativus  localis  instrumentalh  im  Altindischen^ 
Lateinischen,  Griechischen  und  Deutschen^  Berlin,  1867  answers 
the  question  as  to  origins,  premising  the  fact  that  there  had  been  no 
corresponding  loss  of  case-functions  to  parallel  that  of  the  case- 
forms.  Modified  in  some  respects,  the  reply  is  thus  tabulated  by 
Htibschmann,  p.  87  (cf.  also  Vgl  Synt.  I.  p.  189-199): 


I-E. 
Skt. 
Lat. 
Gk. 

Gr. 

Dat. 
Dat. 
Dat. 

Loc.         Inst. 
Loc.         Inst. 

Abl. 
Abl.  of  ^-sterns 

Gen. 
Gen. 
Gen. 

Abl. 
Dat. 

Gen. 

Dat. 

Gen. 

From  this  it  is  evident  that  while  in  Vedic  Sanskrit  locative, 
inst.  and  abl.  are  separated,  in  Latin  the  ablative  is  the  Mischcasus : 
(a)  gnaivod  paired  prognaius,  (b)  iota  Asia  vagaiur,  (c)  manu  fecity 
being  all  represented  by  it ;  but  in  Greek  it  is  the  dative  that  com- 
prises the  instrumental  and  locative  functions  as  well,  the  genitive 
being  the  exclusive  heir  of  the  ablative^;  in  Germanic,  too,  the 
dative  consists  of  the  pure  dative,  plus  locative,  plus  instrumental, 
and  may  in  a  manner  be  said  to  share  the  lost  ablative  with  the 
genitive.^ 

§  24.  A  short  history  of  the  etiology  of  syncretism  follows.  The 
first  work  of  importance  relative  to  it  is  the  epoch-making  ALL  of 
Delbriick.  According  to  it'  the  reason  for  the  reduction  of  case- 
forms  must  be  assigned  to  A)  the  competition  of  prepositions.  Their 
very  being  made  the  existence  of  case-forms  precarious,  in  that 
their  constant  attachment  to  the  latter  expressed  the  desired  idea 
with  more  exactitude  than  the  bare  forms.  Attention  to  these  would 
be  in  inverse  ratio  to  the  gradual  importance  of  such  prepositions 
as  the  more  essential  parts  of  the  meaning,  interchanges  among  the 
deteriorating  case-forms  would  follow  and  the  resulting  fluctuation 
end  in  linguistic  usage  —  quern  penes  arbitrium  esi  ei  ius  ei  norma 
loquendi — deciding  in  favor  of  one  or  the  other  of  the  alternatives. 

^  Cf.  the  use  of  the  prepositions  d7r6,  /card,  irapd,  irpds,  and  iird  c.  gen.  to  denote 
the  place  or  person  from  which  something  originates. 

2  For  the  latter  statement  cf.  Synkreiismus,  Vorrede.  *  ALL  p.  77- 


20 

For  the  rest,  we  know  that  the  increasing  use  of  prepositions  is  in 
harmony  with  that  tendency  towards  the  analytic  stage  common  to 
the  Indo-European  languages.  Holzweissig/  following  Penka,''  be- 
littles the  destructive  work  of  prepositions  and  insists  that  the  chief 
cause  of  the  loss  of  case-forms  was  B)  the  force  of  sound  and  accen- 
tuation laws  maiming  the  terminations  and  giving  rise  to  their 
interchange  and  disappearance.  "  An  erster  Stelle  hat  nicht  der 
fiiessende  Charakter  der  Kasusunterschiede,  sondern  lautlicher 
Verfall  das  Entstehen  von  Mischkasus  verursacht.'"  It  is  needless 
to  point  out  that  his  stand  is  false.*  Just  as  prepositions  do  not 
always  replace  the  case-forms  they  may  have  helped  to  displace 
and,  even  tho  necessary  auxiliaries  after  case-fusions,  they  do 
not  always  deprive  the  case-form  of  significance  —  witness  the 
Greek  where  it  is  often  the  case  that  determines  the  sense  of  the 
preposition  — ,  and  just  as  the  use  of  prepositions  eo  ipso  has  not 
always  sufficed  to  cause  a  confusion  of  cases,  cf.  the  preservation 
of  inst.  and  loc.  in  Slavic  in  the  face  of  concurrent  prepositions,^ 
so  syncretism  may,  indeed,  take  place  as  a  result  of  phonetic 
changes,  but  it  can  come  about  without  them  and  in  a  manner 
purely  C)  syntactic,  as  in  the  instance  of  the  Italic  inst.  sg.®  So 
others,  we  find,  propose  as  an  offset  the  confusing  influence  of 
coincidences  in  meaning,  "  auf  6ine  Determination  sind  durch  Me- 
tapher  mehrere  verwandte  Beziehungsausdriicke  iibertragen."  ^ 
There  may  be  added  to  these  the  working  of  a  principle  of  D)  Im- 
guistic  economy  such  as  Lanman  *  proposes  to  account  for  the  confu- 
sion of  the  Indie  ablative  plural  with  the  dative.  According  to  his 
view  the  number  of  occasions  requiring  the  expression  of  plural 
ablative  relations  was  so  small  that  ultimately  the  ablative  was  de- 
prived of  a  separate  form  and  its  function  was  added  to  that  of  the 
nearest  infrequent  case,  the  dative.  This,  while  in  itself  perhaps 
insufficient  to  account  for  the  mergence,  is  still  interesting  as  one 
of  the  probable  minor  causes  of  syncretism. 

§  25.    Our  present  views  on  syncretism  stand  at  the  junction  of 
B)  and  C.     Delbriick  himself  has  abandoned  prepositions  as  the 

1  Wahrheit  und  Irrtum  der  lok.  Kasustheorie,  pp.  19,  23,  69. 

2  Die  Entstehung  der  synkret.  Casus,  Wien,  1874.  ^  ubi  supra,  p.  69. 

*  Vogrinz,  Gedanken  z.  e.  Gesch.  des  Kasussystems,  Prog.  Leitmeritz,  1884,  p.  17. 

^  Audouin,  De  la  declinaison,  p.  423. 

^  Zieler,  op.  cit.  p.  56.  ''  Vogrinz,  ubi  supra. 

«  On  Noun-inflection  in  the  Veda,  JA  OS.  X.  583  ff. 


21 

sole  cause  of  case-amalgamation  ^  and  has,  five  years  before  Vog- 
rinz,  declared,  at  least  in  the  instance  of  the  Greek  gen.-abl.  for  an 
outer  and  inner  motive  of  syncretism.^  We  can  therefore  speak  of 
morphological  and  syntactical  causes^  i.e.  coincidence  of  form  and 
approximation  of  meaning.'  As  to  the  relative  merits  of  each,  it 
would  seem  as  if  fusions  due  to  phonetic  alterations  of  final  sounds 
had  not  had  sufficient  influence  in  the  reduction  of  cases  at  least  in 
Greek,  Latin  and  Slavic*  Again,  the  syntactic  equivalences  which 
have  contributed  to  such  case-fusions  seem  to  reach  back  to  pro- 
ethnic  conditions,  because  their  traces  may  be  found  in  the  most 
conservative  I-E.  languages.  All  we  know  with  certainty  is  that 
all  the  languages  did  not  syncretize  the  same  way  and,  as  we  are 
dealing  with  prehistoric  conditions,  we  must  take  to  heart  Delbriick's 
caution,^  "  Man  muss  sich  auch  in  dieser  Beziehung  nicht  vermessen 
wollen,  das  Gras  wachsen  zu  horen."^ 

The  Dative  and  the  Instrumental.  §26.  The  process  of 
amalgamation  just  described,  in  full  force  during  the  two  linguistic 
periods,  an  older  of  eight-and-seven  and  a  younger  of  six-and-five 
case-forms  —  i.e.  if  we  are  to  give  credence  to  ALL  pp.  i  and  75  — 
has  left  for  the  earliest  stages  of  the  dialects  here  considered  the 
following  relation  between  the  datival  and  instrumental  functions : 
the  Indo-Iranian  languages  have  both  a  dative  and  an  instrumental ; 
similar  is  the  condition  of  Balto-Slavic ;  Latin  has  a  dative,  but  no 
instrumental  form ;  in  the  Greek  and  the  Germanic  dialects  the 
form  serving  as  dative  has  assumed  the  instrumental  functions  as 
well.^  It  would  lead  us  too  far  to  set  down  —  save  for  the  last  two 
branches,  where  they  are  of  eminent  importance  —  the  various  mor- 
phological and  syntactical  contacts  that  are  still  observable  even  in 
those  languages  which  have  preserved  these  two  cases  as  separate. 
A  careful  survey  of  them,  however,  has  brought  us  to  the  conclu- 
sion that,  syntactically  at  least,  certain  approximations  reach  far 
beyond  the  earliest  historical  beginnings  to  definite  proethnic  I-E. 
conditions.  The  following  formulaic  reconstructions  exemplified 
by  actual  facts  will  symbolize  our  meaning : 


1  Cf.  Vgl.  Synt.  I.  §  80.  2  s.F.  IV.  p.  50. 

3  Brugmann,  Gr.Gr.^  375.  *  Audouin,  op.  cit.  p.  423. 

5  Vgl.  Synt.  I.  p.  199. 

6  Cf.  also   Grdr.'^  II.  p.  479  ff.;    Vgl.  Synt.  I.  p.  189  ff.;   and  Zieler,  op.  cit. 
p.  57.  7  Cf.  §  23. 


22 


2, 

sac  ate. 


[8,   2    anyebhih 


RV.    I,    164,    19 

yuktah. 


dhura 


(i) 


Indo-European  Instrumental  and  Dative  met 
(i)  With  verbs  and  adjectives  of  association, 

(a)  *to  uir5  seq^etai  —  he  follows  this     RF. 

man:  Insf. 
*ekuo(u)     uogh5     iuqgeti  —  he 

hitches  two  horses  to  [by  means 

of]  the  wagon  :  InsL 
*udn  uoinoi  meiksketi — he  joins, 

pours  water  to  wine  :  Z>at. 
smniQS  patrV  deiu5  —  he  shows 

similarity   with   the  father,   with 

the  god :  Insf. 
*sin^os  patrai,  deiu5i  —  similar  to     Aen.  I.  589  os  umerosque 

the  father,  to  the  god :  Dat  ^^^  '''^'^''' 

(2)  With  verbs  of  ruling  and  commanding, 

*potietai  teutai,  nrbho^  —  he  rules     ^^^^-  Truc.^zx  non uinum 

^      '^  '      •  <^uiris^  moderart^sea 

over  the  city,  the  men  :  Dat. 

*potietai  teutam,  agrois  —  he  com- 
mands the  city,  the  fields  :  Inst. 

(3)  With  verbs  of  rejoicing  et  similia, 

*uoino,    tueqnobh^f  terpetai  —  he 
enjoys  wine,  rejoices  in  children ; 
Inst. 
but  *deiuoibho3f,  Dat.^  he  is  favorably 
disposed  towards  the  gods. 

(4)  With  verbs  of  confiding, 

*qretesx  bheidhetai  —  he  is  confi- 
dent because  of  his  strength : 
Inst. 


Ov.  M.  13,  866  sic  se  tibi 
mis  c  eat. 

^F.  6,  48,  igsamo  devair. 


uiri  uino  solent. 

RV.  3,  54,  15  indro  visvair 
viryath  pdtyamdnah. 


RV.   7,  24,  I  mamddas  ca 
sotnaih. 


Y.  50,  5  hyat  yHimdkdi 
madrdne  vaordzaBd. 


*suneiiai  bheidhetai 
in  his  son  :  £>at.^ 


he  confides 


Schleicher,    268  nusitiketis, 

devil     *auf     Gott     ver- 

trauen.' 
Supr.   79,  6   voinii  p'hvaj^ 

svojejq  silojq  'miles  suis 

viribus  fidens.' 
Plaut.  Cap.  536  quid  rebus 

confidam  me  is? 


1  X  =  the  final  case-formans  is  uncertain. 

2  It  must  here  be  noted  that  the  above  formulas  do  not  always  aim  at  the  re- 
production of  an  actual  usage.  Thus  *potietai  nrbhox  is  not  intended  to  signify- 
that  *potietai  does  ever  take  the  dative;  the  phrase  is  merely  a  symbol  of  the  fact 
that  there  are  verbs  of  ruling  and  commanding  connected  with  that  case-form,  cf. 
Vgl.  Synt.  I.  §  133  and  Grdr.^  II.  §  488,  5. 


23 

Other  connections  are  less  certain,  in  that  their  ascription  to 
what  still  must  be  called  the  Indo-European  language  is  not  war- 
ranted from  sufficiently  extensive  or  conclusive  usages.  Those 
enumerated,  however,  are  satisfactory  enough  to  serve  as  criteria 
for  these  languages,  Greek  and  Germanic,  where  owing  to  but  one 
given  case-form  we  might  otherwise  be  led  astray. 

§  27.  Greek.  For  a  morphological  account  of  the  fusion  be- 
tween the  dative  and  the  instrumental  I  refer  to  Audouin,  Declinai- 
soHj  p.  234  ff.  and  Brugmann,  Gr.  Gr?  §§  260,  434,5,  477.  In 
Greek  the  instrumental  fused  with  the  dative  in  the  singular,  the 
two  cases  having  already  been  similar  in  form  in  the  ist  and  2d 
declension.  The  w  in  Avkw  stands  for  *  oi  <  *-o  -\-  at}  As  to  the 
plural  AvAcots,  it  is  an  instrumental  form  —  ^-0  +  aisy^ois,  cf.  Sk. 
vf'kais,  Av.  vehrkais,  Lith.  vilkdis  with  instrumental  signification^  — 
the  other  datives  in  o-i,  otcrt,  etc.  are  locatives. —  The  Grundbe- 
deutung  of  -</>tv  is  difficult  to  determine  etymologically.  In  Sk.  we 
have  -bhis  inst.  pi.,  -bhyas  abl.  and  dat.  pL,  -bhydm,  inst.  abl.  dat. 
dual,  -bhyam  for  dat.  sg.  and  pi.  of  first  and  second  person  pro- 
nouns. Then  Lat.  ii-bi^  i-bi  etc.  must  be  connected  with  it.  If 
Sk.  bhi-s  and  Balto-Slavic  -mi  be  equated,  then  Gk.  -<^i(v)  is  instru- 
mental in  form.  Syntactically,  it  is,  besides,  loc.  abl.  gen.,'  but  also 
dative,  cf.  Homeric  ws  <f>prJTpr]  <f>pT^Tpri(f>Lv  ap-qyrj,  B  363. 

§  28.  (i).  Verbs  of  association,  like  cTrco-^ai,  /^lyvwai,  t,€vyvvvai, 
fidx^a-Oai  etc.  "  govern  "  a  dative  which  may  be  a  representative  of 
an  older  datival,*  nay  sometimes  even  locatival  use.^  However  the 
force  of  the  inst.  of  soc.-com.  is  still  preserved  in  Homer  and  after 
him  wherever  we  observe  avv  or  afm  employed  with  the  instrumen- 
tal, as  t  173)  ttvrap  iyio  avv  vtjl  t  ifirj  koI  i/xot<s  kTapotaiv  i\6oiv  rwv 
8*  dv8pu)v  7r€Lprj(ro/JuiL ;  cf.  tOO  B  534  tireadai  (Sanskrit  sac)  dfJM.  TLVL. 
So  verbs  compounded  with  crw  could  take  the  dative  in  both  signifi- 
cations. Xen.  J/^w.  4, 3,  12.  TO  .  .  .  avTovs  17/xtv  (rwcpyciv  may  mean 
both  'the  fact  that  the  gods  work  with  us  '  and  '  .  .  .  help  us.'^  — 

1  The  I-E.  dat.  sg.  suffix  was  -at,  if  we  may  judge  from  the  form  of  the  dat.  of 
consonant  stems,  like  Gk.  tdixep-ai,  Sk.  vidmdn-e,  Meillet,  De  quelques  innova- 
tions de  la  decl.  latine.  Par.  1906,  p.  35,  prefers  to  think  it  was  -ei,  because  of 
Oscan  Fuutrei,  Paterei  and  Lat.  ovi,  hominl,  patrl  etc.,  but  Brugmann,  Grdr?-  II. 
§§  162,  1 63,  believes  that  the  Oscan  is  itself  an  innovation  or  possibly  a  locative  form. 

2  Hirt,  Handbuch,  p.  244.  ^  Hirt,  ubi  sup.,  §  304;    Grdr?  §  113,  3. 
4  S.F.  IV.  59.                                5  Vgl,  Synt.  I.  p.  247. 

*  Audouin,  op.  cit.  p.  240;    Grdr.^  II,  §  482. 


24 

The  testimony  of  Sanskrit  is  in  favor  of  such  a  twofold  division :  * 
whereas  yuj^  yat,  krid,  yudh,  spardh,  and  has  are  connected  solely 
wdth  the  instrumental  "^  sac,  mi'srd,  misray,  myaks  and  miks  admit  of 
the  dative  also.  So  RV.  4,  48,  10,  rduddrena  sdkhyd  sacchya  'I 
would  join  the  mild  friend,'  is  the  regular  construction,  i.e.  the 
instrumental.^  But  according  to  Bergaigne,*  "L'objet  auquel  le 
sujet  ou  le  regime  direct  du  verbe  est  mel6,  uni,  est  construit,  tan- 
tot  a  I'instrumental,  I.  22,  3 ;  34,  3  etc.,  tantot  k  locatif,  VI.  29,  2  ; 
X.  96,  3,  ou  meme  au  datif,  X.  104,  2,  cf.  VI.  29,  3."  This  applies 
especially  to  the  verbs  myaks,  miks  and  misra.^  In  the  case  of 
marital  relations  in  Greek  we  surely  have  to  do  with  the  instrumen- 
tal, cf.  RV.  10,  10,  8,  anyena  mad  ahano  yahi  tuyam  ;  similarly 
Latin,  Lucr.  4,  1247,  admiscetur  muliebri  semine  semen^  So  OBg. 
ozeniti  sf,  'to  marry  [with]  some  one,'  as  Mk.  6,  17,  jako  ozeni 
s^jejg,  on  avTrjv  iydfua-ev."^  The  Slavic  also  resorts  to  the  inst.  with 
verbs  denoting  association,  ange/omh  retith  *  cum  angelo  rixantur,' 
but  also  the  dative,  OBg.  drugi>  drugu  retith,  'inter  se  rixantur.'* 
These  usages  may  aid  us  in  clearing  up  the  obscurity  of  the  Greek 
forms. 

§  29.  In  the  instance  of  the  allied  concept  of  similarity,  such  as 
coiKtt,  10-0(0,  etKo^o)  and  adjectives  like  to-os,  o/u,otos,  etKcXos,  draXavTos 
we  can  speak  of  both  a  real  dative  in  its  adverbal  and  of  an  inst. 
in  its  soc.-com.  sense,  as  the  German  'gleich  mit  etwas.'*  The 
dative  is  used  in  Latin  with  similis,  in  OBg.  with  ^'hCbn'b,  podo^hniy, 
on  the  other  hand  Sanskrit  samd  and  ^u/ya,  which  is  probably  the 
same  as  araXavros,  govern  the  instrumental,  fena  fu/yak,  '  similar 
to  him,'  Manu  4,  86.  Avestan  hazaosa  and  hadam  only  with  in- 
strumental.^" Cf.  also  Gothic  he  nu  galeiko  pans  mans  Lk.  7,  31 
and  OHG.  iz  ist gilih  filu  thiu,  Otfr.  2,  14,  90. 

§  30.  (2).  As  to  the  verbs  of  commanding,  we  have  a  third  com- 
petitor in  the  locative  which  is  already  seen  in  the  oldest  periods 
whenever  it  is  a  question  of  a  '  crowd  in  which  or  over  which  ' 
one  commands."     The  Homeric  dative  accompanying  verbs  like 

1  Cf.   Vgl.  Synt.  I.  §  no,  and  Wenzel,  Instrumentalis,  p.  29. 

2  S.F.  V.  131.  ^  Wenzel,  ubi  supra,  p.  29. 
*  La  Religion  Vedique,  II.  261,  263  footnote. 

^  Latin  miscere  has  inst.-abl.,  Ebrard,  de  ablativi  .  .  .  usu,  p.  26. 
6  ALL  p.  55.  "^  Miklosich,  Fgl.  Gr.  IV.  723. 

8  Miklosich,  op.  cit.  p.  597.  »  Cf.  Vgl.  Synt.  I.  §§  no  and  124. 

10  Grdr?'  II.  §  485  a.  "  ALL  p.  38. 


25 

dvd<r<ro),  KpaT€<Oj  oLp\<a  instead  of  the  genitive,  as  A  6i,  rrao-t  ^ler^ 
dOavdroiartv  dvd(T<T€L<s,  may  be  considered  a  locative.^  For  an  instru- 
mental we  have  in  Vedic  Sa-nskrit  ^dtya/e,  RV.  3,  54,  15,  indro 
visvair  viryaih  pdtyamanah  '  Indra  who  rules  over  all  powers 
heroic."*  The  Slavic  conceives  of  the  object  ruled  over  as  the 
means  whereby  the  sovereignty  is  expressed,  so  OBg.  vlas/z  Syri- 
jeja  apx^Lv  rrjq  Svpta?^  but  it  allows  also  of  the  dative  as  in  the 
German  'jemandem  befehlen,'  especially  in  the  later  sources, 
cesar\iSivujqstu  Dekiju  rimhstei  vlasti,  Supr.  132,  3.^  Latin  is  also 
divided :  we  say  imperare,  moderare  alicui  and,  in  Plautus,  even 
temperare  linguae,  but  potiri  aliquo,  as  the  Plautian  si  ilk  hodie  ilia 
sit  potitus  muliere,  originally  probably  prosecutive  as  '  to  be  master 
over  something,  iiber  etwas  hin.'  "  Ingleichen,  says  Brugmann  for 
the  Greek,^  lasst  sich  nicht  mehr  wissen,  wie  man  Toio-t  in  Homer. 
Toto-t  §€  /xi;^o)v  5px^  ^-  ^gl-  empfand.  Dass  auch  Ausdriicke  wie 
kv\  Tpweo-o-'  dyopcvwv,  S  45,  cv  8'  v/xtv  cpeo),  I  528,  vorkommen,  ent- 
scheidet  ebenso  wenig  fiir  den  Lok.,  wie  der  Umstand,  dass  dpy^w 
'  Fuhrer  sein  '  mit  Iv  nai  nicht  vorkommt,  fiir  den  Inst,  den  Aus- 
schlag  gibt."* 

§  31.  (3).  Verbs  of  rejoicing,  etc.  In  RV.  kan,  mad,  bhuj,  jtv 
and  sometimes  tarp  'govern'  an  instrumental,'  so  5,  3,  10  agnih 
devdsya  sdhasa  cakandh,  '  rejoicing  in  his  divine  power.'  The 
verbal  concept  'to  be  gracious  to'  is  regularly  datival;  so  RV.  8, 
93,  27  stotrbhya  indra  mrlaya,  '  sei  den  Sangern  hold,'*  \/^r^i  RV: 
mrl\  just  like  Latin  favere,  graHficari,  gratulari,  ignoscere,  indul- 
gere,  blandiri  alicui^  and  Avestan  mprpzdd-  and  urvaz-,  Y.  50,  5. 
hyat  yusmakai  mqOrane  vaordzaOa,  *  since  you  are  well  disposed 
towards  your  prophet,'  ^^  as  against  avoya  ddOrpm  dahditi  yei^he 
ddOrahe  dditi  noit  havo  urva  vdurdza  '  wenn  nicht  seine  Seele  iiber 

1  S.F.  lY.  56.  —  This  syntactic  fusion  of  the  Dat.  Loc.  and  Inst,  would,  of 
course,  be  much  furthered  by  formal  resemblances,  viz.  that  of  the  dat.  -oi  and 
loc.  -oi  before  consonant,  on  the  one  hand,  and  the  inst.  pi.  *-tt;t5  and  loc.  -ourt, 
on  the  other,  into  *-wts  >  ots  and  -oto-i  >  our  before  vowels.  To  the  latter  cf. 
Gr.  Gr.^  §  434,  5- 

2  S.F.  V.  133  ;   Wenzel,  op.  cit.  p.  79. 

3  Miklosich,  IV.  700 ;   Vondrak,  II.  348. 

4  Vondrak,  II.  359 ;   Miklosich,  IV.  584  ;    Vgl.  Synt.  I.  §  133. 
6  Gr.  Gr.^  §  462,  2. 

^  Of  interest  is  Hungarian :  birni  valamivel  *  to  have  power  over  something.' 
■^  Wenzel,  op.  cit.  p.  81  ff.  ^  Cf.  Grassmann,  Wb.  p.  1058. 

®  Draeger,  Historische  Syntax,  I.  403.  ^^  Reichelt,  p.  240. 


26 

das  Almosengeben  froh  ist.'^  Possibly  the  dative  is  used  with  the 
Slavic  radovati  s^  '  to  rejoice  '  and  cuditi,  diviti  s^  '■  to  wonder,'  as 
ne  divite  s^  semu  fxrj  Sav/xd^cTe  tovto  Jh.  5,  28.^  The  choice  of  Lith- 
uanian is  the  causal  instrumental,  dede  pasigerejo  tdis  vaikdczais 
*the  uncle  had  his  pleasure  in  the  youth.''  Similarly,  with  the 
Greek  ^  verbs  x"-^P^)  repnofjiai  the  instrumental  of  cause  must  be  the 
first  to  be  thought  of,  [Tcpiro/mt  ~  Sk.  farp']  as  in  TepireaOaL  BCaKOLonv, 
like  Lat.  gaudere  aliqua  re ;  but  with  personal  names  in  the  dative 
we  may  sometimes  see  beyond  the  stage  of  '  on  account  or  thru 
whom.'  So  cf.  *  556  x*t/oo>v  *AvTtA.dx4>,  y  52  dvSpt  which  might 
rather  be  correlated  with  expressions  like  iiraLvioi,  *to  praise,'  with 
the  Homeric  "EKTopt  or,  Meisterhans^  172  A^/ic  Iscc,  tw  Srjixto.  I 
omit  the  locatival  competition  as  in  $  245  TcrapTro/Mevos  rcKeeo-o-tv. 

§  32.(4).  Verbs  of  trusting  and  confiding.  Delbriick^  cannot 
find  a  criterion  for  separating  the  dat.  and  the  instrumental ;  but 
with  regard  to  instances  with  -<^i(v)  Audouin  decides  in  favor  of  a 
causal  interpretation  *  thanks  to  which,  as  a  result  of  which  one  has 
confidence,'®  M  135  xctpco-o-'  ttcttoi^otcs  rjSe  ^i-qt^iv,  unless,  indeed,  a 
locatival  view  is  preferred,  cf.  A  303.  But  with  a  person  the  dative 
is  rather  to  be  understood,  as  *  towards  whom  one  has  confidence,' 
w  97  KaarLyvrjTois  olaLirep  dvijp  iriiroiOe  ^  in  whom  a  man  places  trust.' 
So,  indeed,  Avestan/m  /?  V9r9ne  ahe  daenaya,  '  I  trust  in  your  law, 
I  profess  your  law,'  Vsp.  53,^  instrumental;  but  Sk.  sradd/ia,  Lat. 
credo,  Lith.  veryti,  OBg.  verovati2i\\  have  personal  datives  connected 
with  them.^     ^o  RV.  2,  12,  5,  srdd asmai  dhatta,  'believes  him.' 

The  same  comparative  features  may  be  employed  to  decide  some 
moot  questions  in  the  similarly  syncretized  Germanic  dialects. 

§  33.  The  Germanic  Dialects.  For  a  morphological  account  of 
the  fusion  of  the  dative  and  instrumental  I  refer  to  Streitberg, 
Urgermanische  Grammatik,  p.  223  ff . ;  Loewe,  Germanische  Sprach- 
wissenschaft,  p.  75  ff.  ;  Dieter,  Laut-  und  Formenlehre,  p.  534  if. ; 
Kahle,  Zur  Entwicklung  der  consonaniischen  Declination  in  Germa- 

1  GrdrP-  II.  §  483  c. 

2  Vondrak,  II.  362  ;  for  the  inst.  with  the  adj.  dovolhffh  *  contented '  cf.  ibid. 

P-  350- 

^  Schleicher,  Lesebuch,^.  126.  apud  Vgl.  Synt.  I.  §  115. 

4  Gr.  Or?  §  460 ;    Vgl.  Synt.  I.  §  115  versus  ALL  p.  38. 

5  Vgl.  Synt.  I.  p.  255. 

^  Cf.  Audouin,  p.  238,  and  Walther,  de  dativi  instrumentalis  usu  LLomerico, 
p.  49. 

■^  Hiibschmann,  Zur  Castislehre^  p.  261.  ®  Vgl.  Synt.  I.  §  132. 


27 

ntschen,  Berlin,  1887,  ^^^>  ^^  course,  to  Grundriss^  Vol.  II,  under 
the  various  stems.  In  the  Germanic  dialects  what  is  functionally- 
called  the  '■  dative '  is  nothing  but  an  instrumental  form  in  the 
pluraP  and  partly  locative,  partly  instrumental  in  the  singular.^ 
The  confusion  of  ,'the  dative  and  the  instrumental  can  best  be 
studied  in  the  Westgermanic  dialects,  since  Gothic  has  only  the 
pronominal  inst.  he  and  pe^  and  Old  Norse  forms  that  are  syntacti- 
cally worthless  ;  as  it  is,  the  two  case-forms  had  already  been  firmly 
welded  together  in  Pregermanic. 

§  34.  In  all  likelihood  it  was  the  instrumental  and  the  locative 
that  first  became  merged,  and  later  on  the  dative,'  and  in  this 
process  the  -0  stems  are  given  credit  for  the  ultimate  cause  of  the 
transformation.'*  The  oldest  authentic  endings  used  to  denote  the 
Westgermanic  instrumental  function  are  -/  or  -u.  The  latter,  the 
choice  of  OHG.  and  OS.,  altho  traces  of  it  occur  in  Ags.,  too, 
according  to  Sievers,  Ags.  Gramm.  §  242,  may  go  back  to  a  form 
of  the  I-E.  inst.  in  -0}  The  former,  retained  by  Ags.,  really  is  a 
Pregermanic  -/  <  I-E.  -«,  a  locative.®  In  Ags.  therefore  we  must 
first  conceive  of  a  clash  between  the  forms  inst.  -u  and  loc.  -/. 
The  victory  of  the  latter  in  finally  assuming  both  functions  is  prob- 
ably due  to  syntactical  reasons,  as  with  expressions  denoting  trans- 
portation where  either  means  or  place  would  be  admissible,  faran 
skipu  or  skipi^  an  otherwise  genuinely  I-E.  alternative ;  perhaps 
also  in  temporal  relations,  dcegu  or  dcegi.  This  change  would  leave 
an  inst.  (loc.)  -/'  pitted  against  a  dative  form  in  -e  [old  Ags.  ce 

1  The  oldest  *dat.'  pi.  of  the  -0  stems  is  -ms.  Iscc.  Vatvims,  AflimSy  HZ.  31, 
354  ff.  The  vowel  between  the  two  consonants  was  probably  -i.  Cf.  Streitberg, 
U.G.f  p.  232,  4;  therefore  the  ending  is  instrumental,  Cf.  Lith.  rahko-misy 
this  form  having  been  adopted  instead  of  the  I-E.  inst.  pi.  of  -o  stems,  viz.  -dis 
as  IVirois. 

2  Cf.  Wood,  Ubersichtstabellen  zu  Lautentsprechungen  und  zur  Kasusbildung 
des  Nomens  und  Adjektivs  im  Germanischen,  Chicago;  Dieter,  Laut-  und  For- 
menlehre,  p.  537,  and  Brugmann,  Grdr?  II.  p.  280  ff. 

8  Altho  cf.  Grdr?  II.  p.  492,  "  der  Inst,  war  auf  dem  ganzen  germ.  Sprach 
gebiet  das  zuletzt  hinzugekommene  Stiick  des  Mischkasus,"  based  on  the  circum- 
stance that  we  still  have  remnants  of  it  in  Westgermanic. 

*  Synkretismus,  p.  232  ;  Loewe,  p.  76. 

5  Streitberg,  U.G.  p.  228;  cf.  Lith.^^r^. 

6  Cf.  Sievers  in  PBB.  VIII.  324  f.,  where  he  proves  from  the  Epinal  Glosses 
of  the  early  8th  century  that  the  -i  ending  is  older  than  -e ;  but  Vgl.  Synt.  I.  p. 
195,  footnote,  "  es  sei  mir  die  Frage  gestattet,  ob  in  ihm  nicht  vielleicht  die  Fort- 
setzung  eines  idg.  Inst,  auf  -e  anzuerkennen  sei." 


28 

<  Pregerm.  -at  monophthongized^  <  I-E.  oi^  as  Sk.  -5/,  Gk.  -<S, 
Lat.  -oi,  Osk.  -ui^  Lith.  -uil ;  the  phonetic  transformation  -/  >  -e 
finally  resulted  in  an  -e  case,  the  common  inheritor  of  the  functions 
of  the  inst.,  loc,  and  dat.,  in  the  same  way  as  the  *-miz  >  -m  form 
had  functioned  since  Pregermanic  times. ^  —  In  OHG.  and  OS.  the 
-u  form  is  the  one  used  without  preposition ;  the  -e  form  which  is 
found  in  addition  to  -u^  and  is  used  with  prepositions,  is  the  sur- 
vival of  the  locative  we  have  met  in  Ags.'  The  ultimate  disap- 
pearance of  -u  is  due  probably  to  prepositional  competition  weaken- 
ing the  force  of  the  case-forms. 

§  35.  What  must  be  noted  in  this  confusion  is  the  circumstance 
that  the  process  was  purely  formal :  one  form  served  at  the  same 
time  for  several  functional  types  well  differentiated  in  the  con- 
sciousness of  the  speaker,  as  Latin  dat.-abl.  -bus.  So  that  the  Ger- 
man dative  of  to-day  is  in  function  essentially  the  I-E.  dative  ;  only 
when  it  is  preceded  by  a  preposition  do  we  deal  with  other  func- 
tions in  it.  '*  Hatte  eine  innerliche  Absorption  des  instrumentalen 
Gebietes  durch  den  Dat.  stattgefunden,  so  wiirde  der  heutige  Dat. 
auch  im  instrumentalen  Sinne  verwendet  werden."* 

§  36.  The  four  types  of  dative-instrumental  fusion  discussed 
under  Greek,  cf.  §§  28-32,  might  thus  be  given  for  the  Germanic, 
making  use  of  the  identical  criteria  as  far  as  applicable : 

(i)  Verbs  and  adjectives  of  association.  The  original  form  of 
the  instrumental  is  preserved  in  Gothic,  Lk.  7,  31,  he  nu  galeiko 
pans  mans  pis  kunjis  jah  he  sijaina  galeikai  tlvl  ovv  ofioLiiiaro)  tovs 
dv^pwTTOvs  T^s  yev€a<s  ravnys,  kol  tlvl  ciaiv  ofxoioi ;  which  decides  at 
once  about  Mt.  7,  24,  galeiko  ina  waira  frodamma  o/xokixtu)  avrbv 
dvSpl  <f>povLfJi(o  and  Lk.  6,  47,  hamma  galeiks  ist  tlvl  icrrlv  o/aoios  ; 
so  the  instrumental  form  in  OHG.  iz  ist  gilih  filu  thiu,  Otfr.  2,14, 
90.  With  verbs  of  meeting,  when  it  is  a  question  of  persons,  the 
dative  is  likely  to  be  original ;  ^  so  blandan :  ni  blandaip  izwis 
horam  yJq  crvvavaixLywa-Oai  tto/ovoi?,  perhaps  also  Ags.  mengan,  but 
we  clearly  have  an  instrumental  in  krim  and  snaw  hagle  gemen- 
ged,  'mingled  with  hail,'  Wand.  48,  just  as  gamainjan  takes  the 
inst.  of  the  thing,  i  Cor.  10,  18.  niu  pai  ma^andans  hunsla 
gamatnjandans  hunslastada  sind  Koii/wvot  rov  OvfULa-TrjpLov  elalv. 
On  the  other  hand  gamains  must  be  construed  with  the  real  dative, 

1  Cf.  Streitberg,  ubi  supra,  p.  228.  2  cf.  Synkreiismus,  pp.  152,  163,  235. 

^  MoUer,  Ueber  den  Instrumentalis  im  Heliandy  Danzig,  1874,  p.  14. 
*  Synkreiismus^  p.  167.  ^  Vgl.  Synt.  I.  §  no. 


29 

Rom.  II,  17,  pizai  waurtai  <rvyKoiv<uvos  t^s  p^^v^-^  ^^^  verbs  rel- 
ative to  social  relations,  like  /tugan,  gahorinon  and  gasibjon,  both 
inst.  and  dat.  are  conceivable;  cf.  for  the  former  Sk.  RV.  10,  10, 
8  and  Lat.  Lucret.  4,  1247,  for  the  latter  Slavic  eko  ozeni  s^  eja  on 
avTTjv  iydixrjarcv  Mk.  6,  17.^ 

(2)  In  spite  of  Kohler' verbs  of  commanding  do  not  all  take 
datives.  Thus,  in  the  instance  of  Ags./y  rice  rczdan  we  deal  clearly 
with  an  instrumental,  a  circumstance  which,  in  turn,  admits  of  con- 
jecture relative  to  the  force  of  the  case-form  with  ON.  raf>a^  as  in 
einn  skal raf>a  Geirr0f>ar  sunr  Gotna  lande,  Grm.  2,  or  in  Alfrmon 
sigre  gllom  rapa  HHv.  39.  In  a  similar  manner  Ags.  he  sceal  f>y 
wonge  wealdan,  Gu.  674,  and  OS.  so  muosta  siu  mid  iro  brudigumen 
bodlu  giuualdan,  Hel.  509,  might  be  employed  in  the  proper  plac- 
ing of  ON.  valda  veom,  Grm.  13,  and  Got.  waldan  garda  oUoBe- 

0-7rOT€tV.* 

(3)  The  question  as  to  whether  the  dat.-inst.  with  verbs  of  rejoic- 
ing is  a  real  dat.  or  a  real  inst.  is  doubtful.  Sanskrit  and  Slavic 
indications  towards  the  former  (cf.  §31)  are  scouted  by  Delbrtick, 
who  does  not  believe  that  they  represent  older  usages.^  Otherwise 
Erdmann-Mensing,  p.  245  ;  Winkler,  Germ,  Cas.  p.  4  if.  and  30  if. 
For  Gothic  gaplaihan^  kukjan  and  the  like  cf.  Streitberg,  Got  El, 
§  248 ;  Bernhardt,  §  154,  and  Kohler,  Germania^  XI,  270  ff. 

(4)  Verbs  of  confiding.  The  person  or  object  trusted  in  or  be- 
lieved is  in  the  dative,  ON.  ek  munda  per  f>d  trua,  Hrbl.  96 ;  Got. 
gatrauands  ufhauseinai  peinai  TrcTrotdws  ry  wraKOTJ  a-ov;  Otfr.  4,  35, 
Ikes  giloubi  thu  mir^  altho  there  seems  to  be  at  least  one  instance 
of  instrumental  competition,  OS.  that  erl  thuru  untreuua  odres  ni 
uuili  uuordu  giiodean,  Hel.  1527,  unless  one  adopts  Delbruck's 
translation,^  "  dass  ein  Mann  wegen  der  [allgemein  verbreiteten] 
Treulosigkeit  nicht  auf  das  blosse  Wort  eines  anderen  hin  [diesem] 
glauben  will."  The  Indo-European  similarities  are  cited  under 
Greek,  §  32. 

§  37.  Sufficient  evidence,  it  is  hoped,  has  been  submitted  to 
prove  an  active  and  comparatively  extensive  interrelation  between 
the  dative  and  the  instrumental.  These  interrelations,  caused 
partly  by  early  formal  coincidences,  partly  due  to  semasiological 
approximations,  could  easily  be  discerned  because  of  the  similar 

1  Synkretismus,  pp.  35,  132.  2  Vondrak,  II.  345. 

3  Germania  XI,  267  fF.  *  Cf.  Bernhardt,  Zs.  f.  d.  Phil.  XIII,  15. 

^  Vgl.  Synt.  I.  §  115.  6  Synkretismus,  p.  159. 


30 

correspondences  of  the  various  allied  languages,  save  in  Greek  and 
Germanic  where  the  internal  evidence  is  not  sufficient.  Testimony 
of  a  like  kind  would  also  tend  to  establish  a  prehistoric  connection 
between  the  two  cases  in  the  (5)  domain  of  Agency,  namely,  when 
they  are  used  with  the  past  participle,  the  early  employment  of 
which  in  a  passive  sense  —  as  consequent  upon  the  idea  of  com- 
pleteness it  embodies — has  been  indicated  before.  (Cf.  §§5  and 
6.)     For,  we  encounter  the  following  usage  : 

Latin:  solely  dative,  si  tibi  sat acceptumst^  Plant.  Most  224. 
Slavic:  instrumental  only,  nosim-h  cetyrh^ni,  alpofxevov  xnro  reaa-a- 

p(i>v,  Mk.  2,  3,  but 
Indo-Iranian  has  both  dative  and  instrumental,  as 
Sanskrit:  dative,  tho  rarely,  yds  fe  drapsdh  skanndh,  'welcher 
Tropfen  von  dir  iibergespritzt  ist,'  RV,  10,  17,  13,  cf.  S.F. 
V.382. 
iddm  ma  uditdm  krdhi^  '  dass  dies  von  mir  gesprochen  sei,' 

RV,  10,  151,  2,  cf.  Havers,  p.  10. 
ya  t^  didyud  dvasrsta  divds  pdri,  '  welcher  Blitz  durch  dich 
vom  Himmel  geschleudert  worden  ist,'  RV.  7,  46,  3,  cf. 
Havers,  p.  14. 
rdtha  iva  brhati  vibhvdn'e  krtopastutya  cikiiusa  sdrasvatt, 
'erhaben  wie  ein  von  einem  geschickten  Werkmeister  ge- 
machter  Wagen,  S.  ist  zu  preisen  von  dem  Kundigen,'  Grass- 
mann,  Ueb.  I.  550,  RV.  6,  61,  13.^ 
instrumental,  nrbhih  punandh,  'purified  by  the  men,'  RV, 

9,  87,  I. 
pitrbhih  dattdh,  'given  by  the  fathers,'  RV.  10,  107,  i. 
Avestan:    dative,    anyahmai   arsanai   varstptn^  'begotten  by 
another  man,'  Yt.  17,  58. 
Cf.  also  the  pregnant  datives  in 
aeibyo  ratus spnghaitiarmaifis,  'die  von  ihnen  gefallten  Rich- 
terspriiche  wird  A.  verkiinden,'  Y.  43,  6,  Barth.  Wb.  1502. 

1  Even  tho  Grassmann's  textual  emendation  of  dat.  vibhvdne  to  inst.  vibhvdnd 
is  unnecessary,  there  is  no  compelling  reason  for  Oldenberg's  acceptance  of  Lud- 
wig's  rendering  *  dazu  geschaffen,  sich  auszubreiten,'  Rgveda,  textkrit.  u.  exeg. 
Noten,  p.  406.  Since  the  dative  with  passive  expressions  is  certainly  not  unknown, 
the  interpretation  of  vibhvdne  by  Bohtlingk-Roth,  Sanskrit  Worterbuch,  VI.  1134, 
as  "</«/.  fur  instr.^''  is  undoubtedly  admissible.  To  me  RV.  6,  61,  13  vibhvdne 
krtb  is  absolutely  similar  in  force  to  RV.  i,  141,  8  rdtho  sikvabhih  krto,  *a  chariot 
made  by  artists.' 


31 

yaBa  hi  tat  by  o  dayaha,  'so  gut  wie  durch  Dich  die  Verlei- 
hung'  sc.  zugesagt,  K  44,  18,  Barth.  Wb.  744:  '•  Dat  des 
Urhebers.'' 
y9  na  is  to,  '  der  von  uns  verehrt,'  Wolff,  K  56,  i.^ 
instrumental,  Y.  43,  10  parstpm  zt  dwa,  '  interrogatum  enim  a 
'  te,'  Bthl.  IVb.  997. 

/iu.  k9r?ta  asactt,   '  den  durch  Asa  wohlgebahnten  [Weg],* 
Y.  34,  13,  Barth.  Wb.  1536. 

This  twofold  denotation  of  the  agent  with  the  participle  demon- 
strates the  fact  that  the  formulas 

{a)  ^deiuo  d?tds,  '  given  by  the  god,*  and 

(b)  *tod  tot  nfai  qrtdm  esti,  *  that  is  done  by,  for,  this  man,' 

are  historically  correct  and  to  just  such  an  extent  precursors  of  the 
later  expressions  of  Agency  with  the  finite  passive  verbs.  —  We  are 
now  prepared  to  enter  upon  a  detailed  consideration  of  the  dative- 
agent  and  the  instrumental-agent  in  the  various  Indo-European 
languages. 

1  For  the  exchange  of  gAv.  dat.  tiS  with  gAv.  ace.  nd  cf.  Reichelt,  p.  293. 


CHAPTER   IV 
The  Dative  of  Agency  in  Latin 

§  38.  When  we  first  encounter  Latin  we  see  it  in  a  stage  where 
many  changes  had  made  it  markedly  different  from  the  related 
languages.  We  know  very  little  of  this  early  history,  for  Latin 
lacks  older  works  of  real  national  character.  The  comedians 
Plautus  and  Terence  and  those  remnants  of  Ennian  poetry  which 
fortunately  have  been  preserved  represent  the  material  that  is  here 
adduced  for  this  inceptional  stage.  The  question,  too,  of  foreign, 
notably  Greek,  influence  looms  up  in  many  connections,  and  so 
in  relation  to  Latin  syntax,  especially  to  the  construction  here 
discussed. 

§  39.  The  opinions  of  {a)  the  ancient  grammarians  may  be  of  in- 
terest by  way  of  introduction.  Priscian  ^  volunteers  no  information 
as  to  how  the  dative  became  attached  to  the  passive,  despite  the 
fact  that  the  question  had  before  him  been  taken  up  by  Servius. 
The  latter,  as  is  known,  attributes  the  construction  to  Greek  im- 
portation;  ^'■'■Neque  cernitur  ulli,*  neque  ab  ullo  cernitur;  et  est 
Graecum  ovhevl  opw/xevos,  ut  scriberis  Vario^  id  est  scribet  te 
Varius,"  says  he  in  commenting  on  Aeneid  I.  144.^ 

ip)  The  modern  explanation  of  the  dative  as  commodi  vel  in- 
commodi  goes  back  to  that  period  in  the  history  of  Latin  Grammar 
when  the  several  uses  of  the  dative  in  all  languages  were  reduced 
to  an  unqualified  unit  and  the  ablative  was  looked  upon  as  an  in- 
terloper.'* So  we  read  back  in  1526  —  this  is  the  oldest  medieval 
syntax  I  have  at  hand  —  in  Aldi  Pii  Manutii  Inst.  Gram.  Libri 
Quatuor.  Addito  infine  de  octo  partium  orationis  costructione  libello 
Erasmo  Roterodamo  Autore,  p.  10,  Ordo  I.     "  Datiuus  post  uer- 

^  De  Passive,  Inst.  Lib.  xviii.  1 23,  vol.  III.  ed.  Keil. 
2  Hor.  lib.  I.  od.  6. 

8  Comm.  in  Verg.  Aen.  rec.  Thilo  et  Hagen,  Lipsiae,  1878,  vol.  I. 
*  Cf.  to  the  latter  Priscian,  V.  672  ;    Pompeii,  Comm.  artis  Donati,  Keil,  V. 
181  ;  and  as  late  as  the  i8th  century,  Reisig,  Vorlesungen,  III.  §  379. 

32 


33 

bum.  Quoduis  uerbum  acquisitiue  positum  exigit  datiuum,  ut  Non 
omnibus  dormio.  .  .  .  Mihi  istuc  nee  serifur  nee  metitur.^^  I  have 
emphasized  acquisitiue  because  of  Tillmann's  statement^  that  it  is 
to  Sanctius  we  must  go  back  for  the  first  conception  of  the  dat. 
auei.  as  one  of  interest.  —  Voss  of  Amsterdam  ^  is  careful  to  differ- 
entiate between  what  he  calls  true  Graecism  and  none  at  all,  ''Sic 
nativus  sermo  est  (p.  460)  si  dicas  de  Trajano,  Est  Senatui  lau- 
datus :  quia  itidem  in  activo  dicas,  Senatui  laudare.  At  non 
aequ^  nativus,  est  Plinio  laudatus ;  pro  a  Plinio :  quia  in  activo  ea 
significatione  non  dicam,  Plinio  lau davit :  sed,  Plinius  laudavit. 
Quare  plane  distinguendum,  inter  dativos  passivis  appositos :  quia 
tunc  demum  structura  est  Graecanica,  cum  in  activo  pro  dativo  est 
nominativus."  —  The  Port  Royal  grammar'  very  conveniently 
places  this  dative  among  the  exceptions,  p.  383.  —  To  Sanctius* 
'■  deus  amatur  mihi''  is  similar  to  'hoc  non  probatur  mihi^'  and 
both  have  but  the  same  dative  as  ''da  peeunias  mihi'  "  Itaque 
''non  eernitur  ulli'  id  est,  nulli  ostendebatur,  nulli  erat  eonspieuus.'" 
"  Mihi  tamen  hie  &  ubique  dativus  aequisitionem  significat,"  which 
is  a  viewpoint  evidently  less  sane  than  that  of  Voss. 

§  40.  Madvig's  note  to  Cicero  De  Fin,  i.  4,  11  ^  forms  the  basis 
of  all  recent  discussions,  "  Exempla  bonorum  scriptorum  prosae 
orationis  aut  in  participio  sunt,  ut  res  ecfecta  tamquam  externa 
exstet  et  ad  personam  referatur  sine  commodi  sine  aliqua  eiusmodi 
ratione  \_pertractata  mihi  sunt^  id  est,  habeo  pertractata,  II.  de 
Orat.  146 ;  elaboratum  mihi  est,  Diu.  in  Caec.  40]  aut  in  eiusmodi 
uerbis,  ut  non  solum  ab  aliquo,  sed  etiam  aUcui  res  fieri  intellega- 
tur,  ut  in  quaerendi  uerbo."  So  monographers  like  Tillmann,* 
who  supersedes  Wisseler^  and  is  in  turn  supplemented  by  Schaef- 
ler,^  fully  subscribe  to  this  concept  of  possession  or  acquisition  of 

1  Act.  Erl  II.  72. 

2  Gerardi  loannis  Vossii  Aristarchus,  ed.  secunda,  torn.  II.  458  f.    Amst.  1662. 

*  Nouvelle  Methode  pour  apprendre  facilement  la  langue  Latine,  etc.  Dixieme 
ed.  Par.  1709. 

*  Franc.  Sanctii  Brocensis  Minerva,  with  notes  of  Scioppius  —  Perizonius, 
ed.  quinta,  Amst.  1733,  pp.  181  and  396  of  vol.  3. 

^  M.  Tulli  Ciceronis  de  Jinibus  bon.  et  mal.  Hauniae,  1839,  p.  27. 

®  De  dativo  verbis  passivis  lingtuie  Latinae  subiecto  qui  vacatur  Graecus,  in 
Act.  Sent.  Erl.  II.  pp.  71-140,  1881. 

'  De  dativo  cum  verbis  passivis  coniuncto  latinis  scriptoribus  cum  graecis  corn- 
muni.  Prog.  Wesel,  1838. 

^  Die  sog.  syntaktischen  Gracismen  1884,  p.  47  ff. 


34 

the  type  of  *«/  mihi  aliquid,''  and  so  do  later  grammarians,  Holtze,^ 
Draeger,2  Kiihner,'  Haase,^  Roby,*  and  Schmalz.^ 

§  41.  A  difficulty,  however,  arises  from  the  circumstance  that 
Madvig's  definition  of  the  dative  of  agency  does  not  apply  to  all 
instances.  '' Est  mihi  moriundum^  may  indeed  mean  'death  ex- 
ists for  me,'  but  certainly  not  that  'one  has  to  die  in  or  for  my 
interests,^  ^  It  covers  only  cases  where  the  dative  is  at  the  same 
time  a  dai.  commodi  vel  incommodi?  It  is  already  inapplicable  to 
a  great  number  of  examples  in  Livy,*  Tacitus  ^°  and  even  Cicero." 
Such  a  phrase  as  '■  videnda  oratori^  may  easily  be  paraphrased 
as  'the  things  that  are  such  for  the  orator  that  it  is  incumbent 
upon  him  to  examine  them  ' ;  a  '  visum  est  oratori^''  that  a  certain 
result  exists  for  the  orator  from  this  examination,  but  no  such 
connotation  attaches  to  the  Ciceronian  legionem  Fausto  conscrip- 
tam^  ad  Att.  8.  3,  7,  and  ibid.  12,  i.  The  question  as  to  whether 
such  uses,  substantially  equivalent  to  ab  c.  abl.,  are  indigenous  to 
the  Latin  dative  or  represent  foreign  and  non-datival  influence,  be- 
comes thus  the  critical  point  in  connection  with  the  Latin  dative 
of  agency. 

§  42.  Narrowed  down  to  fundamentals,  the  question  is  as  fol- 
lows: Is  the  agency  idea  in  the  dat.  auctoris^  as  undoubtedly 
present  in  Latin  distinct  and  separate  from  that  of  advantage  or 
disadvantage,  merely  an  extension  of  the  latter  or  the  result  of 
Greek  influence  ?  Antiquated  views,  such  as  that  of  Reisig,"  ac- 
cording to  which  the  dative-agent  is  an  ablatival  construction 
transferred  to  the  dative  shortly  after  the  invention  of  the  sixth 
case,  will  not  detain  us.  Tillmann  {pp.  cit.)  and  Landgraf  ^  insist 
that  the  construction  was  born  and  bred  on  native  soil,  but  that 
its  use  was  extended,  under  the  influence  of  the  similar  but  better 
developed  Greek  form,  at  the  time  of  the  Augustan  poets ;  whilst 

1  Syntaxis  prise,  script.  Lat.  I.  312.  2  jji^t^  Synt.  I.  §  189. 

8  Ausf.  Gramm.  II.  239.  *  Vorlesungen,  II.  149. 

^  Grammar  of  Lat.  Language^  II.  60.  ^  Lat.  Syntax,  p.  246. 

■^  Cf.  Miles,  Compar.  Synt.  of  Gk.  and  Latin,  I.,  Cambridge,  1893,  P"  27. 

8  Landgraf  s  note  to  Reisig,  Vorlesungen,  III.  p.  628. 

*  Kiihnast,  Syntaxis  Liviand^,  p.  139. 
1°  Heraeus  ad  hist,  i,  11  and  Nipperdey  ad  ann.  2,  50. 
11  Cf.  Tillmann's  examples,  op,  cit.  pp.  79-84. 
^  Vorlesungen,  III.  §  379. 

13  In  notes  to  Reisig,  III.  p.  627,  and  pp.  1-15  of  Beitrage  zur  historischen 
Syntax  der  lat.  Sprache,  Prog.  Miinchen,  1899. 


35 

Brenous^  stands  for  Greek  influence  even  before  that  time.  A 
historical  survey  will  best  bring  out  the  facts. 

§  43.  There  is  no  reason  to  suppose  with  the  grammarians  "^  that 
the  dative  of  agency  appeared  first  necessarily  with  the  gerund  and 
gerundive,  and  only  then  with  the  perfect  passive  participle  because 
of  the  latter's  adjectival  force.  Such  a  view  might  partly  be  justified 
by  the  comparative  infrequency  of  the  latter  combination  in  the 
earliest  times,  since  Ennius  has  but  two  examples,'  nam  quoi  quod 
agat,  institutumstj  Sc.  236,  is  diciust  ollis popularibus,  Ann.  306, 
and  Plautus  and  Terence*  comparatively  few,  e.g.  Phorm.  248, 
meditata  mi  hi  sunt  omnia  mea  incommoda  ;  Epid.  467,  argenti  quin- 
quaginta  mi  ilia  emptast  minis ^  471,  estne  empta  haec  mi?  Most, 
224,  si  tibi  sat  acceptumst,  etc.,^  but  it  is  of  importance  to  note  that 
these  instances  appear  as  early  as  the  gerundival  examples,  and 
that  the  employment  of  the  p.p. p.  with  the  dative  is  an  I-E.  feature 
far  antedating  even  the  creation  of  the  specifically  Italic  gerund 
and  gerundive.^  Of  interest  here  is  also  one  inscriptional  example, 
maiorem  obtenui  laudem,  ut  sibei  me  esse  creatum  laetentur^  CIL.  I. 
38.  That  the  idea  of  necessity  or  completeness  is  not  inherent  in 
the  dative ;  that  thus  we  can  have  expressions  like  *  oratio  habenda 
est^  or  ^  visum  esf  without  reference  to  the  agent  of  the  action,  is 
but  another  proof  of  the  ability  of  the  dative  to  combine  with  a 
p.p.p.  at  any  early  period. 

§  44.  The  gerundive  and  gerund  are  more  frequent  with  the 
dat.  auctoris,  than  the  past  participle,  e.g.  Ennius,  Ann.  45  f., 
0  gnata,  tibi  sunt  ante  ferendae  Aerumnae ;  Plautus,  Rud.  1298, 
adeundus  mi  illic  est  homo;  Bac.  325,  nunc  tibimet  illuc  navi  capi- 
undumst  iter;  Terence,  Andr.  166,  restat  Chremes,  Qui  mi  exoran- 
dus  est;  ibid.  152,  prope  adest,  quom  alieno  more  vivendumst  mihi. 
The  dative  is  not  surprising  with  the  gerundive,  owing  to  the 
latter's  originally  purely  adjectival  force,  since  the  dative  with  ad- 
jectives is  one  of  the  commonest  phenomena  in  the  Indo-European 

^  ^tude  sur  les  Hellenismes  dans  la  Syntaxe  LaHne^  Par.  1895,  PP*  '54-i83. 

2  Cf.  all  those  referred  to  in  §§  40-42. 

3  Cf.  Frobenius,  Die  Syntax  des  Ennius ^  p.  31. 

*  As  in  the  instance  of  Terence,  so  in  that  of  Plautus  the  edition  of  the 
Scriptorum  Classicorum  Bibliotheca  Oxoniensis,  recognovit  W.  M.  Lindsay,  has 
been  used  thruout.  However,  other  recensions,  especially  that  of  Goetz-Schoell, 
have  also  been  consulted. 

s  Cf.  Holtze,  Syntaxis,  I.  312  ;  Lindsay,  Synt.  of  Plautus  y  Oxf.  1907. 

^  Cf.  §§  37  and  44,  note. 


36 

family  of  languages.*  Horton-Smith's  plausible  theory'  of  the 
origin  of  the  gerundive  also  explains  this  dative  as  one  of  advan- 
tage, with  the  idea  of  *  giving '  in  the  suffix  -do^  as  "  Cic.  Off.  I.  41, 
aliorum  iudicio  permulta  nobis  et  facienda  et  non  facienda  et  mu- 
tanda  et  corrigenda  sunt  =  in  the  opinion  of  others  there  are  very 
many  things  which  give  [cause]  us  the  doing,  the  non-doing,  the 
changing  and  the  correcting,  i.e.  which  should  be  done  by  us." 
As  to  the  passive  tinge  of  the  verbal  adjective,  though  it  is  second- 
ary no  doubt,  we  can  easily  think  of  ''facile  dictu  *  '  easy  to  say ' 
developing  into  'easy  to  be  said,'  the  'the-doing  for  some  one' 
becoming  the  '  the-deed-to-be-done  for  some  one.''  "  The  secret  of 
the  passive  lies  in  an  indefinite  subject:  '' vivif  is  a  definite  'he 
lives,' '  vivitur '  an  indefinite  '  one  lives.' " '     At  any  rate,  the  earliest 

^  For  a  morphological  discussion  of  the  gerundive  cf.  later,  §  86  ;  agreement 
has  been  reached  on  the  score  of  its  being  an  Italic  formation,  preceding  in 
point  of  time  the  gerund  which  is  not  found  in  the  literary  monuments  of  Umbr.- 
Samn.  [cf.  Brugmann,  Grdr?-  II.  §  1103,  Anm.  3  and  Horton-Smith  in  AJP. 
vol.  15,  194;  16,  217;  18,  449  and  19,  413],  the  opinions  of  Weisweiler  \^Das 
lat.  part.  fut.  pass.  Paderborn,  1890],  and  Platner  \_AJP.  vol.  14,  4]  based  on 
Terence  and  Plautus  notwithstanding.  That  the  -ndo  forms  were  originally 
adjectival  and  that  their  relation  to  the  verbal  categories  arose  from  the  context, 
is  the  contention  of  Weisweiler,  op.  cit.  p.  64  ff.  On  the  basis  of  the  latter's 
work  Brugmann,  ubi  supra,  thinks  it  highly  probable,  "  dass  unserm  Gerundivum 
die  Bedeutung  der  zu  vollziehenden  Thatigkeit  von  Anfang  an  zukam."  It  is 
more  likely,  however,  that  this  is  a  development  from  its  use  as  a  mediopassive 
present  participle  instead  of  an  original  *-menos,  cf.  Persson,  De  origine  ac  vi 
primigenia  gerundii  ac  gerundivi  Latini,  Upsala,  1900.  This  idea  may  be  seen 
as  early  as  Perizonius'  notes  to  Sanctius,  15,  8,  cf,  Landgraf  to  Reisig,  III.  747. 
As  a  part.  fut.  pass,  it  does  not  figure  till  the  third  century  after  Christ,  tho  see 
Kvicala,  Wiener  Sttidien  (1879),  I.  236,  to  Livy's  preface  §  6,  *  ante  conditam 
condendamve  urbeni^  whereas  to  express  obligation  it  appears  in  Plautus :  prob- 
ably first  in  negative  sentences,  non  ferendum,  what  cannot  be  suffered,  then 
ferenduffty  what  is,  can,  must  be  suffered.  (Sommer,  Handbuch,  p.  650  ff.) 
Its  third  use  in  the  sense  of  '  facile  est '  develops  only  after  Cicero.  The  very 
earliest  meaning  it  had  was  probably  what  the  suffix  -do  means,  *  doing,  causing 
to  be  done'  or  even  'giving,'  so  that  volvendus  is  'giving  a  roll'  as  in  Lucr.  II. 
3,  II  ;  dat  motus,  i.e.  movetur,  cf.  Horton-Smith,  A/F.  15,  213.  Bayard,  De 
gerundivi  et  gerundii  vi  antiquissima,  diss.  Par.  1902,  sees  in  the  two  participial 
forms  of  sequor,  i.e.  secundus  and  sequendus,  respectively,  the  original  active 
meaning  and  the  more  recent  passive  use  of  the  gerundive.  So  Roby,  Grammar, 
pp.  Ixi-xcvii,  conjectures  that  the  passive  sense  of  the  gerundive  is  really  due  to 
an  attraction  and  not  to  any  originally  passive  signification. 

24//'.  15,  213. 

8  E.  W.  Fay  in  AJF.  15,  221. 


37 

usage  of  the  gerundive  with  the  dative  of  interest  well  accords 
with  its  passival  character. 

§  45.  To  revert  to  the  p.p.p.  whose  connection  with  the  dat. 
auct.  is  the  more  important  for  the  latter's  development,  three 
points  are  of  importance  in  relation  to  it  in  the  pre-classic  period : 

{a)  The  participle  is  used  and  felt  as  an  adjective  with  the 
dative,  and  is  often  replaceable  as  when  in  Sil.  Ital.  V.  334,  nulli 
non  saucius  hosti  is  equivalent  to  sauciatus,  just  as  Pliny's  celebres 
Homero  vituliy  Hist.  Nat  32,  11,  144,  is  really  celebratus.  Cf.  also 
adjectives  of  the  -bills  type,  Haase,  Vorlesungen,  II.  156  ;  Roby,  II. 
§  1 146.  When  the  p.p.p.  cannot  be  reduced  to  an  adjectival 
force,  the  only  alternative  is,  as  in  the  periphrastic  perfect,  that  of 
a  fact  accomplished,  result  attained  for  some  one :  cognltum  mlhl  is 
habeo  cognltum  in  open  disguise.  These  two  meanings  determine 
absolutely  without  exception  the  early  connotation  of  the  participle 
with  the  dative.  As  it  is,  it  occurs  rarely.  Ennius  has  but  two 
examples,  Instltutus  and  dlctus^  cf.  Ribbeck,  Trag?  185,  and  Cic. 
Brut.  15,  58,  also  Frobenius,  p.  65  ff. ;  Terence  only  three  more, 
medltatus,  Phorm.  248 ;  susceptus,  Ibid.  967  ;  exoptatus,  Heaut.  408  ; 
decretum^  Ibid.  392  ;  spectatus,  '  tried,'  Ad.  893. 

(b)  These  datives  with  the  participles  in  early  Latin  are  regularly 
pronouns  of  the  personal,  relative,  and  demonstrative  type.  Thus 
Plautus  has  5  personal  pronouns  and  3  demonstratives,  Terence 
only  two  personals,  but  Ennius  none.  Havers  ^  is  surely  wrong  if 
he  means  to  deny  the  existence  of  relative  and  demonstrative  pro- 
nouns, beside  personals,  in  any  but  Plant.  Merc.  743,  nobis  coquen- 
dast,  non  quo  I  conductl  sumus.  No  one,  indeed,  after  the  acute 
observation  of  Seyffert,^  need  give  a  moment's  attention  to  Epld, 

227, 

at  trlbutus  quom  Inperatus  est,  negant pendl  polls  ; 

mis,  qui  bus  trlbutus  malor  pendltur,  pendl  potest, 

about  which  both  Tillmann,  p.  78,  and  Brenous,  p.  166,  are  at  sea,' 
but  surely  Ennius,  Sc.  236,  quol  is  not  a  personal  pronoun,  nor 

1  Untersuchungen  zur  Kasussyntax  der  idg.  Sprachen,  191 1,  p.  1 88. 

2  Cf.  Landgraf,  Beitrdge,  p,  7,  footnote. 

3  The  real  meaning  of  this  passage,  which  has  been  the  mainstay  of  those  who 
would  see  in  it  an  exception  to  what  seems  to  be  a  Plautian  rule  that  the  dat. 
com.  in  auctorial  sense  appears  only  with  perfect  forms,  judging  by  the  context  is 
as  follows :  To  the  state  the  taxpayers  declare  that  they  are  unable  to  pay  the 
tax;    but   to   those,   i.e.  the   women   of   whom  the  two  interlocutors  are  dis- 


38 

Ann.  306,  ollis  popularibus,  nor  perhaps,  Plaut.  Aul.  prol.  4  and  5, 
patri  avoque.  Plautus,  Epid,  520, 1  find,  as  corrected  by  Pontanus, 
^  me  itnpune  irrisum  esse  habitum,  depeculatum  eis^  would  be  an 
interesting  addition,  but  the  three  lines  518-520  are  missing  from 
the  Ambrosian  text  and  are  condemned  by  Geppert  and  Goetz.  q.  v. 

{c)  The  early  possibility  of  the  retention  in  the  passive  of  a 
dative  which  could  be  attracted  to  the  verb  in  the  active  is  one 
more  proof  that  originally  this  dat.  was  but  one  of  personal  interest. 
The  old  formula  of  mancipation  ^ emptus  mihi est pretio^^  is  among 
the  first  we  meet  in  this  transformation.  So  in  Plaut.  Epid.  154, 
qui  ubi  tibi  istam  emptam  esse  scibit,  and  467,  mi  hi  ilia  emptast^  the 
phrase  ^  emitur  mihi^  is  the  passive  of  '•  emo  mihi,^  '  mi  hi'  being 
identical  in  both.  In  Sen.  controv.  I.  2,  7,  *  ancillae  ex  lupanaribus 
sacerdoti  non  emuntur'  we  are  not  given  to  understand  whether 
the  priestess  should  or  should  not  herself  make  the  purchase ;  all 
the  sentence  conveys  is  that  she  is  not  to  have  and  harbor  such 
persons.  So  the  whole  host  of  participles  like  sumpfus,  probatus, 
comprobatus^  quaesitus,  susceptus^  spectatus,  visus^  and  even  con- 
ductus,  for  ^mihi  servus^  sc.  aliquid,  conducitur^'  Merc.  560,  is  but 
the  passive  of  ^mihi  servum  conduco.''  On  Merc.  743  cf.  Tillmann, 
p.  77,  who  commits  the  error  of  classing  these  datives  with  the 
later  and  real  datives  of  agency. 

§  46.  No  essential  change  in  the  usage  of  the  dative  in  question 
appears  before  Cicero.  It  is  a  regular  dat.  of  interest  denoting 
for  whom  the  action  must  take  place,  gerundive,  or  for  whom  it  is  a 
fact  accomplished,  past  participle  or  its  compounds.  No  other  com- 
bination occurs  and  the  dative  is  pronominal,  overwhelmingly  per- 
sonal. In  Cicero,  however,  the  passive  verb  is  found  not  only  in 
the  perfect  but  also  in  the  present  and  imperfect ;  for  this  purpose 
verbs  are  used  other  than  such  as  could  take  a  dative  in  the  active  ; 

coursing,  to  whom  a  far  greater  toll  is  paid,  they  can  pay.  It  is  but  fair  to  add 
that  as  early  as  1845, 1  find,  Naudet's  translation.  III.  400,  takes  this  view,  "  mais 
on  peut  bien  leur  payer  a  elles  de  plus  grands  tributs  " ;  so,  too,  Epid.  ed.  Gray, 
Camb.  1893,  p.  35,  note,  "  the  subject  of  negant  must  be  the  men."  ///^V,  therefore, 
is  a  dat.  of  ind.  object  =  meretricibus. 

1  Gains,  i,  119  ;  apud  Tillmann,  78:  Fragm.  iur.  Rom.  Vatic.  50  in  Huschkii 
Jurispr.  Anteiustin.  quae  super suni'^,  p.  692. 

2  Cf.  Haase,  Vorlesungen,  II.  152. 

*  As  Plaut.  Mil.  C/.  517  ;  "  videri,  scheinen,  ist  kein  Deponens,  sondern  ein 
mediales  Passiv,  dessen  Infin.  futuri  visum  iri  heisst,  also  ist  der  damit  verbundene 
Casus  dem  Dativ  bei  passiven  Verbis  gleich  zu  achten,"  Draeger,  I.  405. 


the  dative  is  not  restricted  to  personal  or  other  pronouns,  but  may 
be  a  substantive  as  well.  The  whole  combination  is  changed,  so 
that  many  datives  can  no  longer  be  explained  according  to  Madvig's 
definition,  since  while  they  may  be,  often  unnaturally,  fashioned  to 
disclose  a  subsidiary  idea  of  interest,  they  denote  rather  activities 
that  are  purely  external,  in  a  word,  auctorial.  Verr.  III.  43, 
Mete II o  paternus  honos  et  avitus  neglegebatur  has  not  a  past  verb 
and  ad  Att.  8,  12,  i,  qui  ex  delectibus  conscripti  sunt  consulibus  is 
not  in  the  interest  of  the  consuls. 

§  47.  There  are,  as  we  have  indicated,  §  42,  but  two  ways  of 
explanation.  A  third  one  that  suggests  itself  from  the  contempla- 
tion of  extra-Italic  conditions,  viz.  that  the  real  dat.  auctoris  in 
Latin  is  the  inheritor  of  the  twofold  I-E.  usage  typified  in  Indo- 
Iranian,  with  perhaps  a  latent  instrumental  force  in  it  cropping  to 
surface  under  such  favorable  circumstances  as  an  approximation 
in  meaning  with  the  indigenous  dat.  commodi,  is  interesting  be- 
cause of  the  presence  in  Plautus  of  one  compound  infinitive,  and 
even  of  one  present  tense,  if  with  Acidalius  and  Goeller  we  may 
emend  Aul.  prol.  4  and  5,  as  '<?/  color  patri  avoque  iam  huius  '^ 
and  also  because  of  the  possible  existence  ^  of  substantives  used  as 
dat.  auctoris  in  Ennius :  Saturno  sancte  create,  Ann.  627,'  and 
arcus  subspiciunt,  mortalibus  quae  perhibentur  [Iris],  found  in 
Priscian,  VI.  259,  5  H.  There  is,  however,  no  further  evidence  of 
the  free  use  of  the  dative  of  agency  in  early  Latin  nor  therefore 
of  any  instrumental  contamination  of  it.  Besides  we  must  remem- 
ber, that  because  a  construction  occurs  in  some  one  language  of 
the  Indo-European  group,  this  is  no  proof  that  it  certainly  occurred 
in  another  language  of  the  same  group.* 

1  Ussing,  ed.  Havniae,  1878,  p.  276,  retains  *  colo''  in  accordance  with  the 
Codd.  Par.,  remarking  "  propter  dativum,  qui  sequitur,  Acidalius  *  color '  scriben- 
dum  censebat ;  mihi  dativus  commodi  defendi  posse  videtur."  This  would 
equate  *r<?/<?'with  *  incolo,^  and  *  patri  ^  with  ^  pro  patre^  or  "This  house  for 
many  years  I  have  occupied  and  guarded  for  the  sire  and  grandsire  of  its  present 
owner."  The  construction  ^ possideo  et  colo  domum  patri  avoque^  however,  is 
scarcely  Latin,  whilst  Uolo''  for  *  color  ^  'honor,  cherish'  is  perfectly  normal  as  *« 
guibus  diligenier  observari  videmur  et  coli,  Cic.  Mur.  34,  70.  So  Goeller,  ed. 
1825. 

2  Hoc  contra,  without  much  reason,  Havers,  op.  cit.  p.  189,  footnote  2,  as 
"  nicht  beweiskraftig." 

2  Furius  in  IV,  "quod  genus  hoc  hominum  Saturno  sancte  create,"  p.  117  of 
ed.  Vahlen.  *  Miles,  Comp.  SyntP-  p.  30. 


40 

§  48.  The  numerical  differences  observable  between  the  lan- 
guage of  archaic  and  classic  Latinity  undoubtedly  are  too  great 
and  sudden  in  proportion  to  be  explained  away  on  the  ground  of 
indigenous  development.  With  due  regard  to  the  workings  of 
analogy,  of  concinnity,  and  of  such  unavoidable  oltto  koivov  construc- 
tions as  Z>e  Senectute^  11,  2)^^  ^semper  in  his  studiis  laboribusque 
viventi  non  inielligitur  quando  obrepat  senectus,^  where  the  dative 
might  equally  well  go  with  ^  obrepat ^^  ^  the  fact  remains  that  whereas 
Plautus  has,'^  besides  six  passive  perfects  and  a  compound  infini- 
tive, one  sole  doubtful  case  of  a  finite  passive  form ;  the  remains  of 
Ennius'  works  two  perfects  and  no  finite  form ;  Terence  the  same 
and  then  Catullus  but  one  finite  form,  tereretur  68,  15,  on  the 
other  hand,  Cicero  out  of  128  instances  has  not  only  11  participles 
and  63  perfects,  but  also  8  pluperfects  and  2  future  perfects,  not 
only  23  compound  infinitives,  but  also  8  simple  infinitives  and,  to 
cap  all,  13  distinct  forms  of  simple  finite  passives,  viz.  9  presents, 
3  imperfects,  and  one  future.  Besides,  Plautus  deals  only  in  pro- 
nouns, of  which  5  out  of  8  are  personal ;  Terence  restricts  himself 
to  2  personal  pronouns;  Ennius  alone,  of  all  writers  of  antiquity, 
has  one  example  of  a  substantive,  the  '  ollis  popularibus '  of  Ann. 
306,  and  this  one  is  combined  with  a  pronoun.^  Catullus,  at  a  dis- 
tance from  Ennius,  out  of  9  examples  has  but  2  nouns,  one  proper 
and  one  common,  est  enim  venuste  magna  Caecilio  incohata  mater ^ 
35,  18,  ?indi pluribus  ut  caeli  tereretur  ianua  divis,  68,  115.  Cicero 
already  has  5  proper  names  and  12  substantives. 

§  49.  The  disturbing  factor  appears  to  have  been  Greek  influ- 
ence. The  historical  fact  of  Graeco- Roman  linguistic  contact^ 
would  a  priori  permit  the  consideration  of  such  an  influence.  The 
success  of  a  Livius  Andronicus  and  the  Greek  medium  of  the  early 
annalists,  to  mention  but  these,  must  be  taken  as  a  token  of  a  pro- 
Hellenistic  attitude  even  at  that  period.     The  very  question  of  the 

1  Haase,  Vorlesungen,  II.  151. 

2  Cf.  the  examples  of  Tillmann,  p.  105;   Schaefler,  p.  48  ;   Brenous,  p.  154. 

*  A  circumstance  in  which  Havers,  p.  188,  sees  a  transition  from  the  pure 
pronominal  to  the  nominal  dat.  of  agency.  Fliigel  in  Zs.f.  Volkerpsych.  XI.  58, 
indicates  the  indissoluble  unity  of  the  concept  of  Self  and  its  Name,  so  that  he 
thinks  of  the  proper  name  as  an  intermediate  stage  in  this  transition.  If,  then, 
Havers  is  correct,  we  might  ceteris  paribus  accept  Saturno,  Ann.  627  as  regular 
for  that  early  period. 

*  Cf.  F.  O.  Weise,  Charakteristik  d.  lat.  Sprache,  1909,  p.  55  ff.,  and  for  a  gen- 
eral view  Saalfeld's  Der  Hellenismus  in  Latium,  Wolfenbiittel,  1883. 


41 

absolutely  pure  Latinity  of  even  so-called  archaic  Latin  is  not  thus 
exempt  from  all  suspicion.  Beginning  with  the  fashion  of  the 
poets,  Catullus  being  the  first  in  point  of  time,  to  import  and  imi- 
tate everything  bearing  a  Greek  stamp,  from  the  technic  loans  of 
Horace  to  the  recondite  Alexandrinism  of  Propertius,  not  to  speak 
of  the  epic  and  prose  writers,  the  matter  of  influence  upon  syntac- 
tical Latin  becomes  even  more  patent  and  decisive.^  Haase,  II. 
151,  is  incorrect  when  he  states  that  "  der  griechische  Gebrauch 
ist  fiir  Cicero  noch  nicht  vorhanden,"  for  his  contemporary,  Caesar, 
has  only  two  examples  of  the  dative  of  agency,^  viz.  B.  C.  i,  6, 
praeterea  cognitum  compertumque  sibi  and  B.  G.  7,  20,  victoria  quae 
iam  esset  sibi  at  que  omnibus  Gallis  explorata,  and  those,  too, 
of  the  ancient  variety ;  and  the  other  contemporary,  Sallust,  has  no 
more  than  one  irregular  example ,^y//^.  107,  i,  ^  saepe  antea  paucis 
strenuis  advorsum  multitudinem  bene pugnatum  '  [rendered  highly 
questionable  hy  Jug.  114,  i,  ^per  idem  tempus  advorsum  Gallos  ab 
ducibus  nostris  .  .  .  male  pugnatum  \^  so  much  so  that  I  see  in 
*  antea  '  a  corruption  of  '  ante '  and  '  ^ '] ,  and,  lastly,  it  was  Cicero 
himself,  who,  besides  other  examples,  wrote  ep.  Att.  14,  21,  3,  ^  sed 
mihi  quidem  p€.^LiiiTaLi.^* 

§  50.  With  the  Augustan  poets  and  historians  whose  style  the 
former  admittedly  influenced,  there  is  already  no  limit  to  personal 
innovations  and  the  sense  of  '  mihi  c.  passivo '  can  rarely  be  differ- 
entiated from  the  type  *  a  me,^  the  dative  appearing  very  frequently 
in  places  where  one  expects,  according  to  earlier  usages,  ab  c. 
ablativo.  It  may  be  said,  in  general,  that  after  Tacitus  the  primi- 
tive sense,  natura,  of  the  dat.  auctoris  as  a  dat.  commodi  is  almost 

1  Cf.  F.  O.  Weise,  op.  cit.  p.  191. 

2  Draeger,  I.  435,  somehow  credits  him  with  none. 

3  Haase  himself,  l.c.^  explains  Hist.  I.  42,  25  '  quae  si  vobis  pax  et  concordia 
intellegentur '  as  '  sunt '  or  '  videntur.' 

*  True,  Cicero  tells  us,  Tusc.  Disp.  i,  8,  15,  **  Dicam,  si  potero,  Latine  :  scis 
enim  me  Greece  loqui  in  Latino  sermone  nonplus  solere  quam  in  Graeco  Latine^^ 
but  the  passage,  by  its  very  context,  refers  solely  to  simultaneous  bilingual  prac- 
tice and  gives  no  warrant  for  a  belief  that  in  his  writings  Cicero  endeavored  to 
rule  out  Greek  constructions.  As  to  the  latter,  cf.  Kertelhein,  Ueber  Gr'dcismen 
in  Ciceros  Reden,  Jena,  1894;  Lebreton,  Etudes  sur  la  langue  et  la  grammaire 
de  Ciceron,  Paris,  1901,  especially  in  connection  with  Tusc.  Disp.  2,  7,  19,  aspice 
Philoctetam,  cui  concedendum  est  gementi;  and  Brenous,  passim  and  p.  440, 
"tandis  que  Ciceron  s'excuse  quand  il  emploie  des  mots  grecs,  nous  ne  voyons 
pas  qu'il  s'agisse  de  meme  quand  il  se  sert  de  constructions  hellenisantes,"  pos- 
sibly because  Greek  was  to  him  a  second  mother-tongue. 


42 

entirely  lost  and  that  no  care  is  exercised  in  drawing  a  dividing 
line  between  the  two.  Beginning  with  Plautus,  thru  Vergil,  as  e.g. 
Tros  Tyriusque  mi  hi  nulla  discrimine  agetur,  Aen.  I.  574  and  nihil 
o  tibi  amice,  reliclum,  VI.  509,  where  it  is  surely  not  for  his  benefit ; 
Propertius,  Praia  cruentanlur  Zelho,  4,  14,  41  ;  or  Ovid,  lactaque 
nascenti  corpus  haberet  humus,  Trist.  4,  3,  46,  nobis  habitabitur 
orbis  ullimus,  ibid,  i,  i,  127,  and  the  much-cited  barbarus  hie  ego  sum 
quia  non  inlelligor  ulli,  ibid.  5,  10,  37,  up  to  Ammianus  Marcellinus, 
there  are  all  together  about  1222  instances  of  both  sorts.  (Cf.  Till- 
mann's  examples.)  For  the  Church  Fathers,  among  whom  the  chief 
offender  was  Cyprian,  cf.  'Ronsch.,  Ilala  und  Vulgala,  1875,  P-  43^- 

§  51.  To  assert,  however,  that  the  construction  was  altogether 
due  to  borrowing  from  the  Greek  is  equally  out  of  the  question. 
Taken  as  a  whole  we  cannot  say  that  the  dativus  auctoris  was  a 
construction  wholly  alien  to  Latin  and  one  to  which  the  latter  took 
a  bold  leap.  Rather  must  we  say,  agreeably  to  the  facts  we  have 
detailed  above,  that  it  is  a  construction  for  which  Latin  had  a 
latent  capacity  but  to  which  it  crept  by  slow  stages  until  acceler- 
ated by  a  similar  Greek  model,  in  the  same  sense  as  the  Latin 
*  bellum  abolendae  infamiae  '  became  the  Tacitean  ^ proficiscilur  cog- 
noscendae  anliquilatis  '  not  mediately  thru  a  stage  of  * pugnal  abo- 
lendae infamiae,  but  under  the  influence  of  a  Greek  dTr^A^e  tov 
yvwvai.^  This  is  precisely  what  Brugmann  understands  by  the  term 
Graecism:"^  "  Unter  Grazismus  hat  man  nicht  zu  verstehen,  dass 
der  lateinischen  Sprache  etwas  ihr  von  Haus  aus  vollig  Fremdes 
aufgepfropft  wurde,  sondern  es  wurde  nur  ein  seinem  Ursprung 
nach  echt  einheimischer  Anwendungstypus,  weil  er  im  Grie- 
chischen  ein  von  den  Romern  empfundenes  Analogon  hatte,  nach 
diesem  auslandischen  Muster  weiter  ausgebildet."  So  Brenous, 
p.  79,  tho  somewhat  more  radically,  "  Quand  nous  disons  '  Helle- 
nisme,'  nous  voulons  dire  que  la  construction  n'est  pas,  a  la  place 
oil  nous  la  rencontrons,  ce  que  nous  attendions,  qu'elle  en  est 
meme  toute  diff^rente,  et  que,  ne  pouvant  pas  etre  It^gitim^e  en 
latin,  elle  a  sa  justification  propre  dans  la  construction  grecque 
correspondante  dont  elle  est  imit^e,  soit  directement  et  sans  etre 
pr^par^e  par  quelque  tour  analogue,  soit  en  s'aidant  de  ce  point 
d'appui."     We  have  ascertained  this  point  d'appui. 

§  52.  Other  points  of  contact,  besides  the  fundamental  con- 
nection, were  not  lacking  by  any  means.  A  Horatian  '  bellaque 
1  Miles,  Comp.  Synt.  p.  57.  2  /./r  y.  100. 


I 


I 


43 

matribus  detestata^^  Od.  I.  i,  24,  might  also  be  interpreted  as 
'  wars  that  are  an  object  of  detestation  for  mothers '  and  similar 
expressions  of  emotion,  as  amatus,  dilectus,  spretus,  which  easily 
glide  into  a  connection  of  authorship,  can  be  taken  as  having  con- 
tributed their  quota  to  the  native  development  of  the  dat.  auctoris. 
So  undoubtedly  the  datives  with  intransitive  passives,  as  cadere 
alicui=.caedi  ab  aliquo,  and  iacere  ^=  prostratum  esse,  e.g.  cui  con- 
sul in  armis  Crispinus  cecidit,  Sil.  Ital.  17,  305,  as  a  parallel  to  a 
tan  to  cecidisse  viro,  Ov.  Met.  5,  192,  both  set  against  TibuU.  1,1, 
^^  agna  cadet  vobis  with  the  clear  dative  of  interest  (of.  Reisig, 
III.  note  551  a),  to  which  it  is  not  at  all  fantastic  to  compare  the 
development,  according  to  Delbriick,  S.F.  IV.  75,  of  the  Greek 
dative-instrumentals  with  aorists  in  -lyv  and  -^v.  (Cf.  Brenous,  p. 
160.)  In  a  word,  Latin  may  be  said  to  have  had  its  own  points 
of  view  in  this  respect.  Unaided  it  developed  the  native  dativus 
commodi  to  a  certain  degree  from  which  the  construction  might 
naturally  have  risen  to  the  rank  of  the  dativus  auctoris  pure  and 
simple.  (Even  Plautus'  Men.  645  '•  palla  surruptast  mihi''  in  reply 
to  '  palla  mi  hi  St  domo  surrupta''  sounds,  to  my  modern  ears  at 
least,  dangerously  near  the  brink  of  agency.)  It  was,  however, 
betimes  assisted  in  this  tendency  by  the  entirely  homogeneous  con- 
struction of  the  Greek.  In  this  sense  only  is  the  Latin  dative- 
agent  with  passives  a  Graecism. 


CHAPTER  V 

The  Instrumental  of  Agency  in  Slavic.  —  The  Genitive 
OF  Agency  in  Lithuanian 

§  53.  Just  as  Latin  offers  the  best  illustration  of  the  develop- 
ment of  the  dative-concept  into  that  of  agency,  so  Slavic,  whereof 
old  Bulgarian,  OBg.,  is  selected  as  the  type,  does  with  respect  to 
the  Instrumental.  It  has  been  indicated  before  that  the  Instru- 
mental of  agency  is  but  a  development  of  the  Instrumental  of 
means  with  passive  expressions.  As  such  it  is  directly  traceable 
to  the  Inst,  of  association  which  is  the  accepted  forerunner  of  the 
Inst,  of  means.  A  series  of  examples  might  thus  be  adduced  to 
represent  the  hypothetical  gradations,  but  it  must  always  be  borne 
in  mind,  since  we  must  believe  the  Passive  to  have  arisen  in  each 
language  only  after  the  dialectal  scission,  that  in  this  connection 
only  the  idea  embodied  in  the  Sk.  karana,  but  not  that  in  the 
word  kartar,  can  be  considered  as  I-E.  with  finite  verbs.  The 
case  is,  of  course,  entirely  different,  with  the  past  participle,  §  37. 
§  54.  Thus  we  have  {a)  pure  concomitation  ^  in  Slavic  ex- 
pressed by  the  instrumental,  —  altho  it  is  rare  by  reason  of  com- 
petition on  the  part  of  the  preposition  s-b,  —  and  that  first  of  all  in 
military  expressions,^ 
nuzdajemu  bease  iti  voiy  Sup.  157,  26,  *  proficisci  cum  militibus* 

corresponding  to  the  Lat.  abl.  of  association,  as  in  '  Caesar  omnibus 
copiis  Jlerdam proficiscttur,^  B.C.  i,  41,  2. 

{b)  This  concomitation,  especially,  again,  in  military  expressions, 
shades  off  into  means  or  instrument,  so  cf. 

udariti  ratiju  na  gradh,  '  cum  exercitu  urbem  invadere  ' 
and  even  nearer  to  the  inst.  of  means  in  denotation  of  convey- 
ances, as' 

/  ida  Vb  pusto  mesto  korabVem  edini,   Mk.  6,  32,   'and  they  de- 
parted into  the  desert  place  by  ship,  t<5  TrXoto).' 

1  Turns  like  k-hmotrami  svoimi  ne  sittnilati  s^,  '  cum  matrinis  suis  non  com- 
misceri,'  Cloz.  I.  loi,  are  thus  omitted. 

2  Vondrak,  II.  342  ;  Miklosich,  IV.  723.  »  Miklosich,  IV.  689. 


45 

{c)  To  the  use  and  extent  of  the  inst.  of  means  there  is  no  limi- 
tation. ALL  p.  58  ff.,  gives  an  approximate  sketch  of  it.  For  the 
Slavic,  Vondrdk,  II.  345,  offers  similar  categories.  One  example, 
however,  must  be  mentioned  here  because  of  its  interest  in  relation 
to  Germanic,  cimh  odezdem  s^  Mt.  6,  31,  cf.  Gothic  he  wasjaima, 

(d)  It  is  but  natural  to  expect  that  since  the  sociative  inst.  re- 
ferred largely  to  persons,  its  logical  successor,  the  inst.  of  means, 
should  likewise  refer  to  persons.  In  fact,  persons  are  also  found 
employed  as  means  or  instrument  in  a  manner  equivalent  to  Latin 

J>er  c.  ace. :  ^ 

tlhkom-h  rece,  Sup.  44,  12,  'per  interpretem  dixit,' 

nest-h  gospodix  nynja  glagolal-h  Mhnoj'a,  Sup.  144,  17,  'nonper  me 

nunc  locutus  est,' 
de  sljejej  vesti  susedami,  *  mittebat  nuncios  ei  per  vicinas.' 

{e)  Delbriick  has  intimated  for  the  Sanskrit'^  that  it  was  from 
this  inst.  of  means  with  the  active  that  the  inst.  of  agency  with  the 
passive  had  risen.  But  just  as  the  possibility  of  a  development 
like  ^'- sdmsati  vdcdbhth>  sasydse  vdcobhih  >  ribhyate  vdsis- 
thaih,  i.e.  he  praises  with  words  >  thou  art  praised  with 
words  >  he  is  praised  by  the  Vasisthas  "  cannot  be  denied,  for 
the  Slavic  itself  as  well  as  for  the  other  languages,  a  '■'■per  interpre- 
tem dixit  >  dictum  per  interpretem^  i.e.  ab  interprete  "  formula  would 
not  only  be  conceivable,  but  would  be  directly  prior  to  the  San- 
skrit model  because  of  the  finite  passive  forms  in  the  latter.  Such 
participial  forms  are  not  at  all  uncommon  in  Slavic* 

ZTb  rozdenych-h  zenami,  Mt.  11,  11,  h  yevvrjrol^  yvvaiKwv  ; 
iskusa/em'h  sotonq/a,  Mk.  i,  13,  ircipa^o/Acvov  V7rb  rov  ^aravS; 
pravim-h  dhvema   aggeloma,  Sup.  124,  26,  'qui  a  duobus   angelis 

ducitur ' ; 
ne  vidim-h  nikymhze,  ibid.  159,  28,  '  qui  a  nemine  videtur ' ; 
nosim-h  cetyr.hmi,  Mk.  2,  3,  aLpofievov  xnro  recra-dpoiv; 

these  instrumental  of  personal  agency  are  doubtless  all  develop- 
ments from  the  instrumental  of  personified  means,  like 

trbstb  vetrom'h  dvizema,  Lk.  7,  24,  koAxi/aos  vtto  dv€/xov  o-oAcvo/acvos, 

where  we  have  only  a  personified  agent,  and  Russian  pishmo  napi- 

1  Miklosich,  IV.  693;  Vondrak,  II.  345.  2  s.F.  V.  135  and  Vgl  Synt.  I.  268. 

3  Miklosich,  IV.  704;    Vgl.  Synt.  I.  §  123. 


46 

sano  mnojuy  'the  letter  is  written  by  me,'  must  be  analyzed  according 
to  napisano  perom-h,  'written  by  a  pen,'  and  napisal-h  perom-h,  'I 
write  with  a  pen.'* 

{/)  Reflexives  employed  as  passives  also  take  the  inst.  of  agency.'* 

cjudith  sja  vsemi  Mojsi^  *  Moses  is  admired  of  all,'  Izv.  615. 

narece  s^ preprostyj  vhseja  braiija^  Sup.  131,  19,  '  dictus  est  simplex 

ab  omnibus  fratribus.' 
krhsti  s^  tu  sastiim-h  episkuponvh^  ibid.  146,  10,  '  baptizatus  ab  epis- 

copo  qui  ibi  erat.' 

(^)  Undoubtedly  some  adjectives,  especially  in  -b^ia,  etymologi- 
cally  related  to  the  p.p.p.  in  -no  and  in  all  respects  their  equals, 
also  belong  here,  e.g. 

imeniti  sqste  vhsemiza  dobra  detelh.  Sup.  63,  18,  *  cum  celebrarentur 

ab  omnibus  propter  virtutem  ' ; 
mnogymi  Ijudhtni  cesten-h  i  slavervh^  Izv.  267,  '  qui  a  multis  homini- 

bus  colitur  et  celebratur.'* 

§  55.  This  is  the  usage  of  Slavic.  The  employment  of  datives 
to  express  the  logical  subject  in  impersonal  sentences  whose  verbs 
are  reflexive-passives  must  not  be  thought  of  as  an  infringement 
upon  the  province  of  the  instrumental.  OBg.  munifh  mi  s^  Sokcl 
fxoL;  izvoli  se  mne  Iho^k  /xot  '  mihi  visum  est,'  Lk.  i,  3;  or  Russ. 
mne  dumajetsja  instead  oija  dumaju  '  puto  ' ;  mne  chocetsja,  *  volo  ' ; 
mne  sniiosh  '  somniabam,'  etc.  are  like  Germanic  es  dUnkt  ihm,pdtti 
ser,  where  the  dative  in  reality  denotes  the  object  towards  which 
the  action  tends. 

§  56.  Passing  to  Lithuanian  we  find  there  an  instrumental  case, 
which  is  even  frequently  employed,  so  akimis  matyti,  '  to  see  with 
eyes,'  and  farther  back,  in  a  sociative  sense,  ve'zimii  vaziuti,  'to 
travel  with  a  wagon.'  At  the  same  time  a  development  similar  to 
that  in  Slavic  of  the  inst.  of  means  into  agency  cannot  be  traced, 
because  what  few  instances  occur  of  the  passive  defined  by  a  logi- 
cal subject  are  expressed  by  means  of  the  Genitive,^  and  in  modern 
Lithuanian  even  with  the  preposition  nu,  '  from.'     Thus, 

1  Potebnja,  Iz-b  zapisolcb  po  r.  gram.^  I.  u.  II.  467,  apud  Vondrak,  II.  350, 

2  Miklosich,  IV.  704  f. 

8  Cf,  Miklosich,  IV.  704 ;  Vondrak,  II.  350. 

*  Schleicher,  p.  273 ;  Bezzenberger,  Beitrdge  zur  Gesch.  d.  lit.  Sprache^  Got- 
tingen,  1877,  p.  243. 


47 

mdlka  ugnes  su'edama,  *  the  wood  is  consumed  by  the  fire  ' ;  * 
plaukelei  vejo  puczamiy  '  hair  blown  by  the  wind  ' ; 
pastas  kardliaus  siustas,  '  ambassador  sent  by  the  king ' ; 
grdmata  man^s  raszyia,  *  letter  written  by  me  ' ; 
avis  liuto  sudraskyia^ '  the  lamb  has  been  rent  asunder  by  the  lion  ' ; 
paziur'/,  kdd  jo  arklys  suestas  vtfko,  *  he  saw  that  his  horse  was  de- 
voured by  the  wolf.' 

§  57.  Two  explanations  are  possible  for  this  use  of  the  genitive. 
A)  That  the  genitive  is  of  ablatival  origin.  As  in  Slavic,  so  in 
Lithuanian,  too,  the  genitive  is  the  recipient  of  the  functions  of 
I-E.  ablative.  For  the  Lithuanian  this  condition  reaches  back  to 
the  period  of  Balto-Slavic  unity.  However,  the  formal  confu- 
sion of  the  two  cases  is  I-E.  in  the  sing,  of  all  save  the  -o  stems, 
where  in  both  Slavic  and  Lithuanian  the  ablatival  form  has  been 
preserved  in  both  functions  :  Slav,  -a  <  I-E.  abl.  -dd\  Lith.  -o  <  I-E. 
abl.  -od}  The  genitive-agent  may  thus  denote  an  earlier  abl.  of 
separation  or  origin.  The  fact  of  its  present  use  exclusively  with 
nu,  as  jis  yr  nu  kardliaus  si^stas^  would  point  towards  the  prob- 
ability of  such  a  provenience;  other  examples  may  be  found  in 
Kurschat,  p.  393,  who  believes  that  this  use  of  nu  in  the  sense  of 
'  von  '  is  a  Germanism  imported  by  bilingual  Germans.  Tugi  ne- 
prissigaudinkite  Hiskios^  *  do  not  be  deceived  by  H.,'  in  Bezzen- 
berger,  p.  243,  is  a  good  example  in  support  of  the  view  which 
regards  this  construction  as  ablatival.  Brugmann  ^  has  no  positive 
opinion  on  this  matter. 

§  58.  B)  On  a  firmer  basis  stands  the  conception  of  the  genitive 
as  one  of  possession,  because  it  brings  the  Lithuanian  in  line  with 
Indo-Iranian,  Greek,  and  Germanic  under  similar  conditions  ^  ex- 
cept that  in  these  languages  the  force  of  agency  is  less  pronounced. 
Thus  the  formula  *  deiuosio  datos  appears  in :  Sanskrit  —  in 
RV.  10,  160,  4  dnuspasto  bhavaty  eso  asya,  *  conspicitur  ille  ab  eo, 
eius^  or  *  ei  notus  est  ille  ^  \  pdtyuh  krita  saft,  M.  i,  no,  11,  'the 
wife  that  is  bought  by  the  husband,'  i.e.  'the  purchased  wife  of  the 
husband.'^ — Avestan,  Y.  34, 9,  dwahya b^rpxham  vlduso^  'esteemed 

1  The  examples  are  gathered  passim  from  Kurschat,  Bezzenberger,  Schleicher, 
and  Leskien-Brugman;  cf.  bibliography. 

2  Cf.  Leskien,  OBg.  Gr.  p.  109  ;  Vondrak,  II.  p.  3  ;    Grdr.'^  II.  §  155. 
8  In  Leskien-Brugman,  p.  321,  note. 

*  For  the  latter,  cf.  Vgl.  Synt.  I.  §  170  ;    Grdr."^  H.  §  513. 

6  Cf.  Siecke,  de  genitivi,  p.  28;  S.F.  V.  153;  and  Gaedicke,  Der  Akkusativ, 


48 

of  him  that  knows  thee,'  K  ii,  "j , pairis.x'^axfym  ayaidhahe  is  not 
really  *  enclosed  by  iron,'  but  '  the  enclosed  of  iron,'  and  Vd.  7,  29, 
aiwiynixta  su no  is  'the  gnawed  of  dogs.'^  —  Greek  has  a  similar 
adnominal  genitive,  (T<f>aycU  AlyiaOov,  Eur.  £/.  123,  'slain  of  A.'; 
cravSaXiov  avTov  7r€cf>op7]fX€vov,  Herod,  'worn  by  him; '  cf.  also  Stos- 
80TOS,  'the  presented  of  Zeus.'^  —  The  same  construction  is  prob- 
ably seen  in  Latin  ecquod  est  huius  factum  aut  commissum  non 
dicam  audacius,pro  Sull.  26,  72,  and  Terence,  legati  Romanorum, 
e IMS  dicta,  malivoli  veteris  po'itae  male  dictis,  Andr.  prol.  7, 
where  the  p.p.p.  is  really  substantival.'  —  Germanic  has  few  of 
these  genitives  ;  so  cf.  Aelf.  So.  171,  ^,gedo  me  lufiende  &*  onfundne 
pines  wisdomes.*  The  modern  German  ^  die  Gesandten  des 
Konigs  {unser  Gesandter) '  and  '■  wir  Geweihten  des  Schmerzes' 
have  their  OHG.  prototypes  in  Otfr.  V.  20,  6'j,gi'wihte  mines  vater^ 
gisegendte  sine,  where  the  verbal  nature  of  the  participle  is  distinctly 
felt.  —  Accordingly,  the  Lithuanian  genitive  with  the  p.p.p.  may 
safely  be  taken  as  adnominal.  That  a  '  kardliaus  siustas  '  is  actu- 
ally felt  to  be  '  the  king's  messenger '  is  seen  from  examples  like 
^Ba  katre  mano  [instead  of  ^no  manes']  bus  supraszyti,  fe  biis 
svecziu  sule pasoditi,^  ^  '  who  will  be  invited  by  me.' 

§  59.  It  is  thus  seen  that  the  auctorial  force  of  the  adnominal 
genitive  with  participles  is  not  due  to  any  such  force  being  inher- 
ent in  the  genitive  itself,  but  that  it  is,  rather,  developed  from  the 
context,  —  a  parallel,  therefore,  to  the  assumption  of  a  similar  tinge 
of  agency  by  the  dat.  of  interest.  A  short  digression  may  be  in 
place  here  concerning  the  probable  interrelations  of  this  dat.  aucto- 
ris  and  the  genitivus  possessivus  in  question.  According  to  Havers' 
investigations  ^  the  I-E.  pronominal  forms  *  moi,  *  toi,  [*  soi^  i.e. 
Sk.  ml,  fe,  Avestan  moi,  toi,  hoi,  Greek  jxoi,  toi,  [ot,]  Latin  mt,  as 
in  mi  pater, "^  and  *  ti,  as  in  O.  L.  genitives  mts,  tts,  and  also  OBg. 
mi,  ti,  \_d,  ]  were  originally  not  both  dative  and  genitive  forms,  as 

p.  42.  "  Das  Pradikat  paralysirt  die  urspriingliche  Bedeutung  des  Genitivs,  die 
Zugehorigkeit  desselben  zum  Nomen,  und  lasst  ihn  den  Instr.,  Dativ  und  Abl. 
vertreten." 

1  Cf.  Reichelt,  p.  259;   Hiibschmann,  p.  270.  2  yg^  Synt.  I.  §  170. 

8  Brugmann,  IF.  V.  136.  *  Wiilfing,  Synt.  ofy^lfred,  II.  22. 

5  Leskien-Brugman,  Lit.   Volkslieder  u.  Marchen,  p.  275. 

^  Untersuchungen  zur  Kasussyntax  der  idg.  Sprachen,  Strassburg,  191 1. 

■^  The  mi<,mihi  is  different;  cf.  Stolz,  Lat.  Laut-  u.  Formenkhre^,  216; 
GrdrP-  II.  406. 


49 

stated  in  Grdr}  II.  §  312,  but  simply  sympathetic  datives^  which 
in  the  course  of  time  developed  a  possessive  genitive  function. 

§  60.  Strangely  enough,  the  dat.  auctoris  seems  to  be  one  of  the 
main  sources  of  this  possessive  use  of  the  dat,  symp.  and  therefore, 
indirectly,  of  the  adnominal  genitive,  and  this  could  have  been  all 
the  more  possible  because  of  the  fact  that  both  the  dat.  symp.  and 
the  dat.  auctoris  originally  appear  only  with  personal  pronouns. 
For  the  Latin  dat.  auctoris  we  have  already  indicated  this  condition 
(§  45  b).  Havers  strikingly  demonstrates  it  for  the  dat.  symp., 
Untersuchungen,  p.  237  ;  so  for  Sanskrit,  ibid.  p.  44,  Avestan,  ibid. 
p.  60 ;  the  demonstrative  pronoun  in  Homer  must  be  considered 
an  extension  of  the  usage,  ibid.  p.  106.  The  transformation  of  the 
dat.  auctoris  into  an  adnominal  sympathetic  dative  probably  came 
about  thru  the  adverbal  pronominal  dative  separating  itself  from 
the  verb,  joining  the  substantive  and  ipso  facto  entering  upon  the 
road  to  an  ultimate  adnominal  genitive.     Thus : 

Sanskrit,  RV.  10,  145,  2,  adverbal  dat.  >  symp.  dat.  in  posses- 
sive sense,  sapdtnim  m  'e  para  dhama,  '  blow  me  the  neighbor 
away';  in  RV.  ibid.  5,  ubhe  .  .  .  sapdtnim  me  sahavahai^ 
*we  will  both  conquer  my  neighbor.'  So 
RV,  10,  151,  2  priydm  bhoj'esu  ydjvasv  iddm  ma  udifam  krdhi, 
originally  felt  as  '  spoken  by  me  '  might  have  become  '  this 
my  word,'  and 
RV.  I,  no,  I  tatdin  ml  dpas  tad  u  tayaie  is  correctly  given  in 
S.F,  V.  394  as  ^ gethan  ist  mein  Werk.'' 

Greek,  c  243  ^ows  Se  ot  iji/vro  l/oyov,  '  quickly  was  the  work  done  by 
him  >  his  work  done ' ;  t  404  TroAvapryros  Sc  rot  iart,  'he  is 
much  desired  by  you  '  >  "  ^r  ist  dein  Heissersehnter.^''  ^ 

Latin,  mi  hi  quidem  aetas  actast  ferme,  Plant.  Trin.  319,  where  the 
dat.  originally  with  the  verb  could  be  attached  to  *  aetas  '/ 
uritur  cor  mi  hi,  Pers.  800,  equals  cor  meum?  Well  known 
are  the  instances  of  *  alicui  in  mentem  venire '  when  really 
*  alicuius '  is  meant  and  felt. 

If  then  we  believe,  with  Havers,  that  the  dat.  auct.  was  one  of 
the  sources  of  the  possessive  genitives  *  moi,  *  toi,  (*  soi,)  we  can 

1  The  term  appears  to  be  Gildersleeve's  ;  also  called  da^.  possessivus,  Gunther  ; 
dynamicus  or  energicus  ;  lastly  dat.  personae  cui  studium  est,  Holtze. 

2  Havers,  74 ;   cf.  Vogrinz,  Gramm.  d.  homer.  Dial.,  p.  305. 
*  Havers,  p.  183. 


50 

surely  go  one  step  farther  and  declare  that  it  was  this  same  gen. 
poss.  <  dat.  auct.  which  in  conjunction  with  the  p.p.p.  gave  rise 
to  the  gen.  auctoris  sc.  possessivus  that  we  have  found  in  Indo- 
Iranian,  Lithuanian,  Greek,  Latin,  and  Germanic ;  and  that  just  as 
the  dat.  auctoris  spread  from  pronouns  to  substantives,  thru  the 
medium  of  proper  names,  the  genitivus  poss.-auctoris  must  have 
experienced  a  similar  change  and  arrived  at  that  stage  of  develop- 
ment in  which  we  have  found  it  in  Lithuanian  and  elsewhere. 


CHAPTER  VI 
The  Dative  and  Instrumental  of  Agency  in  Indo-Iranian 

§  6i.  Latin,  aside  from  analytic  constructions,  expresses  the 
agent  with  passives  solely  by  means  of  the  dative ;  Slavic  knows 
only  an  instrumental  of  agency.  It  is  to  Sanskrit  and  Avestan 
that  we  must  turn  to  obtain  the  only  view  of  the  simultaneous  em- 
ployment of  both  cases  in  the  function  of  agency.  That  both  ex- 
pressions are  independent  of  each  other  since  the  earliest  period 
we  have  no  cause  to  doubt,  and  we  may  take  Sanskrit  as  well  as 
Avestan  as  preserving  that  I-E.  condition  from  which  both  Latin 
and  Slavic  have  narrowed  down  to  their  own  individual  uses.  But 
that  there  is  observable  from  the  very  outset  a  thorogoing  interre- 
lation between  the  dat.  and  inst.  in  their  several  functions  of 
agency  is  equally  undeniable. 

§  62.  Such  coincidences  have  most  likely  arisen  from  purely 
semasiological  connections.  Possibly,  too,  we  have  the  influence 
of  another  case,  viz.  the  genitive  of  agency,  to  consider  as  an 
added  impetus  in  this  competition  of  the  other  two  cases.  If,  for 
Sanskrit,  we  agree  with  PischeP  that  the  pronominal  asnie,  gen. 
[-dat.-loc]  plural  is  sometimes  employed  as  an  instrumental,  so  R  V. 
I,  165,  7  ;  7,  67,  2  and  7  ;  8,  2,  10  ;  8,  82,  6,  and  with  Persson^  that 
the  Avestan  gen.  sg.  ma-na  contains  the  same  suffix  as  inst.  tl-na^ 
then  there  is  that  much  to  be  registered  for  the  mediative  offices 
of  the  genitive.'  In  addition,  according  to  Wackernagel,*  the  sg. 
gen.  me^  te  are  found  used  as  an  instrumental  in  the  first  Delhi  isc. 

1  ZDMG.  35,  174.  2  //r  II.  234. 

8  For  the  gen.-dat.  relation  cf.  §  59  ff .  Of  Pischel's  examples,  Delbriick 
(^S.F.  V.  207,  381)  is  inclined  to  consider  asme  \n  RV.  i,  165,  'j.yujj'ebhir  asme 
as  genitive  and  in  the  rest  as  locatival.  But  surely  in  R  V.  8,  2,  10  ime  ia  indra 
somas  ttvra  asme  sutasah,  '  these  sour  Somas  are  pressed  by  us,'  it  is  instrumental 
in  sense,  because  of  R  V.  3,  47,  3  somam  .  .  .  sutdm  nah,  *  the  Soma  pressed  by  us,' 
lit.  *  our  pressed  Soma ' ;  also  7,  67,  2  dsocy  agnih  samidhdnb  asme,  *  there  shone 
Agni  lit  by  us,'  because  with  participles  in  -na  the  agency  is  expressed  by  the 
instrumental  and  not  also  by  the  genitive  (cf.  Audouin,  Declinaisottt  p.  109)  as 
with  participles  in  -ta  (cf.  §  58). 

*  KZ.  24,  599. 

61 


52 

of  Asoka,  Saddavtsati  vasa  abhisitena  me  iyam  dhammalipi  likha- 
pita}  —  In  Avestan  trie  and  fe  when  seemingly  instrumental  may 
always  be  interpreted  as  datives,  as  J?.  5,  77,  yat  1712  avavat 
daevayasnanqm  nijatpm,  '  dass  von  mir  so  viele  D.  erschlagen 
worden  sind/  Reichelt,  p.  241,  comparable  to  yahmai  xsnuto^  Yt, 

10,  87,  'by  whom  he  is  satisfied."^ 

Sanskrit.  §  63.  The  dative  of  agency  as  such  is  not  mentioned 
in  Panini ; '  evidently  he  considered  it  but  one  of  the  natural  func- 
tions of  the  sampradana  or  dative  case,  i,  4,  32.  The  instru- 
mental denotes  the  agent,  kartr,  unless  it  be  already  expressed 
by  the  verb,  and  the  instrument,  karana,  as  well,  2,  3,  18,  deva- 
dattena  krtam,  *  done  by  D.,'  datrena  lunatic  '  he  cuts  with  a  sickle.' 
It  may  denote  the  agent  only  with  a  passive  or  a  causative  verb  ; 
with  an  active  verb  the  agent  is  contained  in  the  termination  of 
the  verb  itself;  so  dlvadattena  kriyate,  'it  is  done  by  D.,'  and 
pacayaiy  odanam  devadattena  '  he  has  porridge  cooked  by  D.' 
Another  reference  is  2,  3,  71  as  to  the  agent's  appearance  with  the 
participium  necessitatis  either  in  inst.  or  in  gen.,  so  bhavata  or 
bhavatah  katah  kartavyah  'you  must  make  a  mat.'  —  Examples 
for  the  dative  usage  follow. 

§  64.   The  dative  of  agency  appears 

{a)  With  verbal  adjectives  in  -ya^  sometimes  called  gerundives 
or  partic.  necessitatis.*  The  dative  is  really  one  of  interest^ 
but  has  the  force  of  an  agent. 

RV.  I,  33,  2  yah  stotfbhyo  hdvyo  dsti  yaman^  'he  who  is  to  be 

invoked  by  the  singers  at  the  sacrifice,  an  object  of  invocation 

to  the  s.' ; 
I,  75,  4  (and  I,  189,  7  ;  3,  62,  i,  etc.)  sdkhibhya  idyah,  'to  be 

honored  by  the  friends  ' ; 
4,  5,  8  pravcLcyam  vdcasah  kim  ml  asydj  '  what  is  to  be  said  by  me 

of  this  talk  ?  ' 

(b)  Verbal  adjectives  in  -ayya.^ 

RV,  2,  4,  3  daksayyo  yo  dasvate  ddma  a,  'he  who  is  to  be  satis- 
fied by  the  sacrificer  in  the  house  ' ; 

1  Corp.  Iscc.  Indie.  I.  106.  ^  cf.  Hubschmann,  p.  223. 

8  Panini's  Grammatik,  Bohtlingk,  Leipzig,  1887,  and  Liebich,  BB.  lo,  207  flf.; 

11,  273ff. 

4Cf.  Delbriick,  KZ.  18,  90;  S.F.  V.  396;  Vgl.  Synt.  I.  §  143;  Grdr.^  H- 
§  491  ;  Havers,  op.  cit.  pp.  9,  14,  22.  ^  S.F.  V.  400 ;  KZ.  i8,  90. 


53 

6,  69,  5  indravctvisnu  tat panajayyam  vam,  'this  is  to  be  praised 
by  you  both.' 

{c)  Verbal  adjectives  in  -tva} 

RV.  2,  30,  10  vlrya  krdhi yani  te  kdrtvani,  'accomplish  the  deeds 

which  thou  hast  to  accomplish  ' ; 
4,  18,  2  bahuni  m'e  dkrta  kdrtvani,  '  much  undone  is  to  be  done  by 

me  ' ;  could  also  come  under  {d), 

{d)  With  past  participles  in  -nd  and  -td, 

RV.  10,  17,  13  yds  tl  drapsdh  skanndh,  'which  drop  is  spilled  by 
you.'^ 

For  -ta  Delbriick  cites  only  RV,  i,  no,  i,  but  this  is  really  an 
example  of  the  adnominal  genitive,  cf.  §  60.  Additional  examples 
are,  however,  besides  4,  18,  2  q,v.  above, 

RV.  6,  18,  15  dkrtatn  ydt  tl  dsti,  'what  you  have  not  yet  accom- 
plished ' ; 

6,  61,  13  vibhvdne  krto^  'von  einem  geschickten  Werkmeister 

gemacht ' ;  cf.  §  37  note  ; 

7,  46,  3  j'i  /i  didyud  dvasrsta  divds  pdri,  '  which  thimderbolt  was 

hurled  by  you  from  the  sky ' ; 

8,  77,  9  eta  cyautriani  t'e  krta,  '  these  gigantic  deeds  have  been  per- 

formed by  you ' ; 
10,  151,  2  iddm  ma  uditam  krdhi,  'effect  that  this  be  uttered  by 
me.'' 

{e)  Delbriick  also  declares  *  that  he  cannot  find  this  dative  with 
a  finite  passive  verb,  RV.  10,  65,  4,  devah  stavante  manusaya, 
'  the  gods  are  praised  by  men,'  being  regarded  as  doubtful  both  by 
him  and  Oldenberg.^  But  with  Havers,  p.  10,  one  must  consider 
^F.  7,  76,  2,prd  mepdntha  devayana  adrsran,  '  erblickt  wurden  von 
mir  die  gottbetretenen  Pfade,'  a  certain  example;  similarly  RV.  1, 
175,  I,  mdtsy  dpayi  te  mddah,  'be  merry,  thou  hast  emptied  the 
intoxicating  drink.'*®    Likewise  8,  51,  9  tubhyam  pdviravy  ajyate 

1  No  instances  cited  in  S.F.  V.  2  cf.  S.F.  V.  382. 

8  Cf.  Havers,  op.  cit.  p.  14.  *  Vgl.  Synt.  I.  300  and  S.F.  V.  145. 

5  Rgveda.  Textkrit.  u.  exeget.  Noten.  Abh.  d.  kgl.  Ges.  d.  Wiss.  zu  Gottingen, 
phil.-hist.  a.  N.F.  XI.  5,  p.  406. 

•  Cited  by  Gaedicke,  Der  Akkusativ^  p.  42. 


54 

rajlhy  "  dir  wird  beim  Paviru  Reichthum  gefuhrt  =  du  fiihrst  dem 
P.  Reichthum  zu,"  Gaedicke,  p.  134.^ 

Perhaps  8,  26,  id  yuvabhyam  bhutv  asvina  may  be  classified 
here,  cf.  Havers,  p.  14,  because  the  context  does  not  warrant 
Grassmann's  "  Es  sei  eur  eigen,  Ritter  ihr,"  I.  439  as  the  sole 
possible  rendering. 

§  65.  In  two  articles,  written  in  1906  and  1907  respectively, 
Professor  Hopkins  attempts  to  disprove  the  present  accepted  ver- 
sion of  the  Vedic  dative  as  originally  a  purely  grammatical  case  of 
interest,  cf.  §  13  ff.,  and  seeks  to  vindicate  for  it  a  local  or  directive 
force.^  His  contention  is  of  special  importance  in  that  one  of  his 
arguments  relates  to  the  old  objection  Gaedicke  and  Hiibsch- 
mann  raised  to  the  dative  as  local  on  the  ground  that,  as  they 
pointed  out,  the  dat.  sympatheticus^  ethicus  etc.  and  the  dai.  auctoris 
could  never  have  developed  from  such  a  concept.  According  to 
Hopkins,  Delbriick  admits,  S.F.  V.  145,  that  the  agent  dative  is 
not  combined  with  finite  passive  verbs.  "  There  remains  only  the 
adjectival  gerundive,  which  Delbriick  still  holds  to  be  construed 
with  an  agent  dative  in  its  most  primitive  use.  .  .  .  But  it  will 
be  found  that  the  role  of  the  dative  in  connection  with  these  and 
similar  adjectives  is  normally  not  that  of  an  agent."  ^  Moreover 
the  examples  cited  in  S.F.  V.  396  and  401  with  hdvya,  tdya  and 
daksayya  are  incorrect,  because  the  gerundive  should  be  taken 
absolutely.  Besides,  of  the  gerundives  thus  given  hdvya  is  found 
with  the  inst.  of  agency  4  times,  with  the  inst.  of  means  2  times ; 
it  is  also  found  with  the  genitive  of  the  person,  and  with  the 
ablative  absolute ;  4  times  with  a  dative  which,  however,  depends 
upon  an  accompanying  verb,  and  only  3  times  as  apparent  agent, 
viz.  FF.  8,  96,  21  ;  10,  39,  10 ;  i,  ^^,  2.  But  of  these,  sdkhibhyas 
in  the  eighth  book,  he  finds,  depends  on  the  verb,  and  the  other 
two  instances  are  respectively  in  the  first  and  tenth  books  in  hymns 
belonging  to  the  secondary  stage.     The  question  with  respect  to 

^  This  passage  is  given  by  Aufrecht,  II.  156,  from  whom  Gaedicke,  cf.  p.  40, 
appears  to  cite  his  examples,  as  tirds  cid  arye  rusame  pdriravi  tubhyet  sd  ajyate 
rayih,  and  in  Bloomfield's  Concordance,  p.  429  and  432  as  tiraccid  arye  rucame 
partravi  tubhyet  so  ajyate  rayih.  Paviru,  according  to  Macdonell  and  Keith's 
Vedic  Index,  London,  1912,  I.  509,  "appears  in  a  hymn  of  the  Rigveda,  viii.  51, 
9,  as  a  Rusama,  being  a  prince  or  at  least  a  wealthy  noble."  Cf.  Grassmann, 
Wb.  s.v.  paviru  and  Ubers.  502,  "  Der  Reichthum,  .  .  .,  der  wird  heimUch  von 
dir  dem  treuen  Rusama  Paviru  zugefiihrt." 

*  TrAPA.  yi,  87  ff.  zxi6.JA0S.  28,  360  ff.  8  TrAPA.  37,  109. 


55 

idya  is  similar,  the  most  certain  examples  being  in  the  first  and 
ninth  books.  Sakha  sdkhibhyas  is  a  stereotyped  phrase,  '  friend  to 
friend,'  and  the  clauses  it  is  in  should  not  be  separated  by  Delbrtick 
into  sdkhibhya  tdyas. 

§  66.  Professor  Hopkins'  conclusion  thus  is  that  neither  of  these 
two  gerundives  can  stand  as  an  early  example  of  a  gerundive  with 
the  dative-agent.  In  fact,  the  latter  arises  from  a  wrong  way  of 
looking  at  the  gerundive,  and  "  the  agent-dative  [a  construction  not 
found  in  Sanskrit,  where  the  gerundive  takes  either  instrumental 
or  genitive]  is  due  partly  to  native  imitation  of  older  forms  with- 
out understanding  and  partly  to  modem  interpretation  of  what  was 
not  originally  conceived  of  as  agent."  ^ 

§  67.  In  reply,  it  must  be  noted  that  Professor  Hopkins  himself 
does  not  deny  the  existence  of  some  instances  at  least  of  the  dat.- 
agent  with  gerundives,  certain  to  all  intents  and  purposes.^  The 
only  trouble  with  them  is  that  they  suffer  in  numerical  comparison 
with  the  absolute  uses  and  the  instrumental  connections  of  hdvya 
and  idya.  Hopkins  himself  admits '  that  his  data  do  not  altogether 
disprove  the  interpretation  advocated  by  Delbriick.  This  fact, 
combined  with  his  choosing  the  use  of  the  dat.-commodi-auctoris 
with  the  gerundive  as  a  criterion,  and  reducing  such  evidence 
to  nil  in  order  to  disprove  the  early  existence  at  all  of  the  dative  in 
auctorial  function,  detracts  much  from  the  force  of  his  argumenta- 
tion. Surely  the  employment  of  the  dative  with  past  participles  in 
-td  and  -nd,  to  all  intents  proethnic,  cf.  §  37,  must  have  antedated 
the  use  of  the  dative  with  such  a  specialized  form  as  the  gerundive. 
Moreover,  the  verbal  adjectives  in  -tva  also  appear  combined  with 
the  dative-agent,  cf.  §  64  c.  Lastly,  in  spite  of  Delbrtick's  admis- 
sion, there  are  found,  besides  those  in  Gaedicke  that  seem  to  be 
inacceptable,  some  examples  of  the  dative  of  agency  with  finite 
passive  verbs,  cf .  §  64  e.  Strong  collateral  testimony  is  offered, 
furthermore,  by  the  results  of  Havers'  investigations,  as  given 
before.  For,  if  the  genitive  of  possession  was  to  have  evolved, 
partly  at  least,  from  a  personal  dative-agent,  the  former-being  found 
simultaneously  with  the  latter,  —  the  stages  of  transition  being  still 
visible,*  —  it  stands  to  reason  that  the  latter  must  have  chronologi- 
cally preceded  it.^    So  much  for  the  dative  of  agency. 

1  TrAPA.  yj,  no.  '^JAOS,  28,  pp.  371,  372,  373. 

8  TrAPA.  -yi^  ^  ^o*  *  Havers,  op.  cit.  p.  22  et  al. 

5  Cf.  also  Speyer,  VuSS.  §  46,  "  Wie  im  Skt.  der  Dativ  I  sein  Gebiet  mit  dem 


66 

§  68.  The  Instrumental  of  Agency.  —  The  same  plan  may  be 
followed  as  in  the  instance  of  Slavic  in  the  visualization  of  the 
various  gradations  leading  upwards  from  the  sociative  function.  It 
must  once  more  be  emphasized,  however,  that  while  highly  probable 
and  certainly  acceptable  as  mirroring  actual  facts,  such  a  scheme 
nevertheless  is  theoretical  in  character,  because  when  we  first  en- 
counter the  sociative  in  its  diverse  types  we  find  them  all  existing 
side  by  side ;  Brugmann  then  is  justified  in  asserting  that  "  alle 
acht  Gruppen  diirften  als  schon  uridg.  nebeneinander  vorhanden 
angesehen  werden."  ^ 

(a)  Pure  concomitation ;  the  use  of  concurrent  prepositions  like 
saka,  sakam  is  not  the  rule  until  post-Vedic  prose, ^  but  see  Panini 
2,  3»  19- 
RV,  I,  I,  5  devo  devebhir  a  gamat^  'deus  cum  dis  adveniat.* 

ijf)  Equivalent  to  "  with  the  aid  of," 

RV.^,  103,  2  indrena^  or  7,  48,  2  indrena  yuja^  'with  Indra 
as  a  companion,  Indro  iuvante.' 

So  in  mentioning  vehicles  or  other  means  of  communication  both 

"  with  "  and  "  by  means  of  which  "  are  admissible, 

RV.  5,  58,  6  ydt  prayasistha  pfsatibhir  dsvair,  vilupavibhir 
maruto  rdthebhih,  'when  ye  approach,  O  Maruts,  with  the 
piebald  steeds,  stallions,  with  the  stout-tired  chariots ' ; 

a  curious  transition  is  offered  in 

I,  123,  5  jdylma  tdm  ddksinaya  rdthena^  "in  woUen  wir  besigen 
mit  dem  wagen  [farend.]  "^ 

(c)  The  wide-spread  instrumental  of  means  is  found  with  pas- 
sive expressions  also,  (i)  of  objects, 

Gen.  teilen  muss,  so  giebt  es  auch  einzelne  Gebietsteile,  welche  er  an  diesen  con- 
currenten  Casus  unwiderbringlich  verloren  hat.  In  solchen  Fallen  hat  nur  das 
Vedische  den  alten  Dativ,  wie  a)  zum  Ausdruck  des  Agens  bei  dem  Gerundiv, 
nur  im  M.  \_Mantra]  vgl.  AIS  [Delb.]  396;  schon  B.  \_Brdhmana]  hat  hier 
den  Gen.,  nie  den  Dativ." 

1  Gr.  Gr.^  407.  For  the  examples  following  see  Wenzel,  IJber  den  Instru- 
mentalis  im  Rigveda,  p.  21  ff. ;  ALL  p.  50  ff.;  S.F.  V.  §  83  fF.;  Speyer,  VuSS. 
§  32  fF. ;    Vgl.  Syni.  I.  §  104  ff. ;    Grdr."^  II.  §  476  ff. 

2Cf.   VuSS.  %  32  Aum. 

3  Wenzel,  op.  cit.  p.  63,  but  otherwise  Griffith :  "  may  we  subdue  him  with  our 
car  the  guerdon." 


57 

^F.  I,  35»  4  abhivrtatn  kf-sanath^  'all  adorned  with  pearls  ';       ^ 
9,  109,  15  pibanty  asya  vUve  devaso  gobhih  sntdsya,  'cooked  with 
milk.' 

(2)  of  things  personified, 

I,  164,  14  suryasya  cdksu  rdjasaity  avrtam^  'the  sun's  eye  thru 

the  clouds  covered  ' ; 
4,  17,  12  vato  nd  jutdh  standyadbhir  abhraih,  'as   the  wind 

driven  on  by  thundering  clouds.' 

(d)  Persons  are  employed  as  means, 

visvam  so  agtie  jayaH  tvdya  dhdnam^  ^'he  attains  thru  thee,  Agni,  all 
good.'  ^ 

(<r)  The  instrumental  of  agency  may  have  been  produced  from 
the  inst.  of  means  with  the  active  solely  along  the  line  indicated 
by  Delbriick,  "  so  dass  man  zuerst  gesagt  hatte :  qdsydte  vdcobhih 
er  erfahrt  Preis,  wird  gepriesen  mit  Worten,  dann  ^dsydte  kavi- 
bhih  durch  die  Sanger."  ^  So  Brugmann,  "1st  das  Verbum  ein 
Passivum,  so  kann  im  Instrumental  auch  eine  Sache  auftreten,  die 
weniger  als  Mittel  denn  als  die  den  Vorgang  bewirkende  und  her- 
vorrufende  Potenz  vorgestellt  ist,  wie  '  er  wird  mit  Liedern  geprie- 
sen '  = '  Lieder  preisen  ihn.'  .  .  .  Dies  fiihrte  im  Arischen  und 
im  Slavischen  dazu,  auch  die  handelnde  Person  beim  Passiv  in 
den  Instrumental  zu  setzen."'  The  probabilities  are,  however, 
that,  as  we  have  indicated  before,  §  54  ^,  this  inst.  of  agency  was 
first  employed  with  the  past  participles  in  -nd  and  -td. 

RV.  I,  163,  2  yamena  dattdh,  '  given  by  Yama ' ; 
9,  87,  I  nfbhih  punandh,  '  purified  by  the  men  ' ; 
8,  62,  18  krsndya  badhito  visa, '  sore  pressed  by  the  black  horde.* 

The  instrumental  is  found  with  the  gerundive  also,  where  we  have 
already  ascertained  the  coexistent  use  of  the  dative  and  the  ad- 
nominal  genitive  as  well.  With  regard  to  the  latter,  as  a  rule 
the  inst.  is  required  if  the  verbal  sense  prevail,  but  the  gen.  if 
the  krfya  has  the  value  of  an  adjective.  This  is  evident  from  the 
fact  that  the  subjective  genitive  is  used  in  similar  situations,  if  the 
krfya  has  the  value  of  a  substantive  (§  69,  VuSS.).  For  the  inst. 
with  idya  and  Mvya  cf.  Hopkins, /A  OS.  28,  371  ff. 

1  Found  in  Grdr.^  II.  p.  526.  2  sj^',  V.  135.  »  Grdr,^  II.  p.  527. 


58 

(/)  With  finite  passive  verbs, 

RV,  I,  92,  7  divdh  stave  duhita  gotamebhih^  'the  daughter  of 

D.  is  praised  by  the  Gotamas  ' ; 
9,  86,  12  sotrbhih  puyafe  vfsa,  '  is  purified  by  the  worshipers  * ; 
7,  67,  7  usa  ribhyate  vdsisthaih,  '  is  praised  by  the  V.' 

The  inst.  of  means  and  of  agency  side  by  side  in 

RV.  9,  87,  7  fydm  mrjanti  ddsa  yosanah  sutdm  soma  fsibhir 
matibhir  dh'ttibhir  hitdm,  '  accelerated  by  the  priests  thru 
devotion  and  prayer.' 

§  69.  The  results  of  the  mutual  relations  of  Dative  and  Instru- 
mental are  thus  as  follows. 

With  the  past  participles,  both  dat.  and  inst.  occur ; 
With  the  gerundive  in  -ya,  ditto ; 
With  verbal  adjectives  in  -ayya  and  -tva,  only  dat. ; 
With  finite  passive  verbs,  both  dat.  and  instrumental. 

Avestan.  §  70.  Here  the  development  is  similar  to  that  of 
Sanskrit.  The  dative,  while  it  is  lost  in  Old  Persian,  save  as  to 
the  pron.  suff.  matyy  taiy^  saiy^  and  replaced  thruout  by  the  genitive 
as  in  Prakrit,  is  a  favorite  case  in  Avestan.  Following  are  the 
facts  with  respect  to  the  dat.  commodi  in  the  function  of 
agency.^ 

The  dative  of  agency  appears  with  {a)  the  perfect  participle  in  -ta ; 
cf.  §  37- 
Yt   17,  58  ^5  aom  puOrpm  baraiii  anyahmai  arsanai  varstpm 

pai&e  upabaraiti,  '  who  bears  a  child  that  is  begotten  by  [to] 

another  man  and  exposes  it  upon  the  highway ' ; 
5,  77  yaf  me  avavat  daevayasnanam   nijat^m  yaSa  ,  .  .,  'that  so 

many  Deva-worshipers  have  been  slain  by  me ; ' 
K   43,  10  pprpsaca  na  ya  tot  phma  parsta,  '  et  interroga  nos  quae 

tibi  sumus  interrogandi,'  Barth.  Wb.  878. 

An  example  in  Old  Persian  is  Xii,  3,  uta  tya^maiy  kartam,  '  and 
what  was  done  by  me,'  against  a  possess,  gen.  tya^  mana  kartafn, 
'  mein  Gethanes,'  Bh.  iv,  42  f.^ 

iCf.  Reichelt,  p.  241;  Hiibschmann,  p.  223;  Havers,  p.  52;  Vgl.  Syni.l. 
§  143;    Grdr?H.  §491. 

2  Hiibschmann,  p.  299;  Havers,  p.  52  ;  cf.  also  L.  H.  Gray's  note  on  Tolman, 
AJP.  30,  1909,  p.  457. 


59 

{b)  Also  in  periphrastic  passives  with  *  bav,^  *  to  become,'  so 

Yt  lo,  S^j  yahmai  xsnuto  bavaiti,  yahmai  tbisto  bavaiti,  *by 
whom  he  is  satisfied,  injured ' ;  ^ 

and  with  finite  passives, 

K  44,  II  azpm  tot  ais  paouruye  fravoividey  *I  was  selected  by,  i.e, 
for,  you  for  this  from  the  beginning.'  * 

{c)  With  the  part,  necessitatis, 

V.  6,  32  vaso  aiwisx^areda  pasubya  vtraeibya^  *fur  [von]  Vieh 
und  Menschen  nach  Wunsch  zu  geniessen,'  Hubschmann, 
p.  223; 

K  19,  II  aetatca  rid  vaco  fravaoce  sixsaemca^  hismairimca  yaQana 
kahma icit  kdtqm  —  *  and  this  our  word  has  been  spoken  to  be 
learned  and  considered  by  every  one  of  Uving  beings,'  Reichelt, 
P-  334. 

(d)  With  the  verbal  in  -tua, 

Yt.  13,  153  taca  7)ohu  .  .  .  ya  frayasaBwa  naire  asaone,  *and 
the  good  things  that  are  to  be  revered  by  the  righteous  man,' 
i.e.  '  are  for  him  to  be  revered.' 

Thus,  Avestan  likewise  offers  a  parallel  to  what  we  have  con- 
ceived to  be  the  development  of  the  dative  of  interest  into  one  of 
agency,  appearing  first  with  the  p.p.p.,  then,  or  almost  simultane- 
ously, with  other  verbals,  and  finally  with  the  finite  verb  after  the 
creation  of  the  passive.  —  A  curious  point  of  resemblance  is  that, 
whereas  we  have  first  met  the  genitive  with  the  p.p.p.  in  an  *  ad- 
nominal  '  relation,  §  58  ff.,  we  find  in  Avestan  the  later  and  natural 
development  of  an  *  adverbal '  genitive  with  the  finite  passive  it- 
self, so 

Yt.  13,  50  kahe  no  tSa  nqma  ay  airy  at  kahe  vo  urva  frayezyat, 
*  by  whom  will  now  our  name  be  praised,  by  which  of  you 
our  soul  revered  ? '  * 

1  Reichelt,  p.  330  ;  Bartholomae,  PV6.  929. 

2  Bartholomae,  PVd.  col.  131 9,  and  Ar.  Forsch.  2,  174.  For  the  form  of  the 
verb  cf.  Reichelt,  §  614. 

8  From  six^aya^  PFP.  of  sak^  adj.  "  was  zu  lernen  ist,  discendus,"  Bthl.  Wb. 
1580. 

*  Cf.  Reichelt,  p.  259,  note,  and  for  the  form  of  the  verb,  p.  299. 


60 

§  71.  The  Instrumental  of  Agency.  —  Its  development  might 
thus  be  portrayed :  ^ 

(a)  Pure  concomitation ;  in  Old  Persian  the  analytic  expression 
with  prepositions  is  the  rule.  The  verb  itself  may  contain  the 
idea,  as 

K  32,  2  sarsmno  vohu  mananha^  *  united  with  V.  M. ' ;  or  other- 
wise, 

y.  46,  10  tais  vt  spats  cinvato  frafra  p9r9tum^  'with  all  these  I 
will  cross  the  Cinvat  Bridge.' 

(J?)  Means  of  locomotion, 

Yt,  10,  67  yd  vasa  mainyu  ham  fdsta  .  .  .  fravazaife^  '  who  rides 

forth  with  a  steed  made  by  the  spirit ' ; 
V.  13,  161  pairitaxto  paurvaeibya^  '  running  forward  on,  i>e.  with, 

the  front  paws.' 

{c)  Whereas  the  sociative  use,  as  expressed  by  the  pure  instru- 
mental form,  is  in  decadence,  the  instrumental  of  means,  soon  to 
pass  over  into  the  prepositional  construction  in  Old  Persian,^  is 
preserved  in  its  entirety  in  Avestan.  I  mention  but  one  example 
of  this  type  which  is  to  be  found  in  almost  all  languages,  viz.  '  to 
bind  with  iron  fetters,'  from  Spiegel,  p.  426. 

Vd.  4,  147,  ayaidhaeridis  fisbis  azdibis  paiti  ava.pasat^  'with  iron 
fetters  should  one  bind  his  body.' 

Cf.  Earth.  Wb.  1029.     For  rivalry  on  the  part  of  the  genitive  of 
agency,  cf.  Hiibschmann,  277,  as  in 

Vd.  7,  74  hak9r9t  frasnahaypn  maesmana  pus  hakprpt  zpmo  uzdd- 
Oaysn  hakdr^t  apo  frasnahaypn,  '  they  are  to  wash  it  once  with 
the  urine  [inst]  of  a  cow,  once  treat  it  with  earth  [gen.]  and 
once  wash  it  with  water  [gen.].'     Cf.  also  Vd.  8,  37. 

(d)  Persons  used  as  means, 

K  44,  ^  kp  ya  ma  uxsyliii  nprpfsaitt,  'who  is  it  thru  whom  the 

moon  waxes  and  wanes  ? ' 
Y.  44,  K^  kp ya  usk  arpm.pidwa  xsapaca,  'thru  whom  are  the  dawn, 

the  midday  and  the  eventide  ? '     So  K  41,  4. 

1  Cf.  Hiibschmann,  p.  254 ;  Reichelt,  p.  232 ;  Spiegel,  p.  423. 
^  Cf.  Hiibschmann,  p.  298. 


61 

(e)  The  inst.  of  means  with  the  past  participle  is  evidently  the 
precursor  of  the  inst.  of  agency  with  the  past  participle  as  well  as 
with  the  gerundive  in  -ya ;  so,  cf.  §  37, 

y^'   5)  93  daxsta  daxstavania^  '  mit  dem  Zeichen  gezeichnet,* 

Reich  elt ; 
K  43,  10 parstptn  zt  Owa,  '  interrogatum  enim  a  te,'  Bthl.  Wb.  997  ; 
Yt  10,  2t^  frazinte  anasita  maedanya,  *  the  houses  not  inhabited 

by  posterity';  Hubschmann,  p.  261  ;  cf.  Bthl.  Wb.  1706,  s.v. 

say. 
Y.  31,  I  agusfa  vaca  spnghamaht  aeibyOy   "words  heard  not  by 

those  wicked  men."  ^ 

For  the  gerundive  cf. 

Vd.   3,  2^ya  karsya  karsivata^  'that  is  to  be  plowed  by  the 
plowman.* 

(/)  With  finite  passives, 

y.  29,  4  ya  zt  vavprpzoi  daevaisca  masyaisca,  *  which  have  been 

carried  out  by  Daevas  and  men ' ; 
32,  12  yais grphma  asdt"^  varata^  '  by  whom  G.  and  his  followers 

were  preferred  to  Asa' ; 
43,  II  hyat  xsma  ux^ais  dldaii^ke^ '  when  I  was  taught  the  proverbs 

by  you.'     Cf.  also  K  43,  6  ;  50,  5  etc. 

If  Spiegel's  translation  of  D  3,  "Hochbau  von  Stein,  durch  einen 
Clangenossen  des  Konigs  Darius  ausgefiihrt "  is  correct,  then  we 
would  find  a  prepositionless  inst.  of  agency  even  in  Old  Persian, 
64  L  ardastdna  dthangaina  Ddrayavahush  naqahyd  vlthiya^  apud 
Hubschmann,  p.  298,  and  given  in  Bthl.  Wb.  193  as  ardastdna^ 
aOa^gaina^  ddraya^vahaus  viQiyd  karta^? 

§  72.  In  Avestan,  too.  Dative  and  Instrumental  meet  in  the 
function  of  agency,  viz.  both  are  found  with  the  past  participles  in 

1  Cf.  p.  3  of  A.  V.  W.  Jackson's  A  Hymn  of  Zoroaster ^  Yasna  31,  Stuttgart, 
1888;  also  p.  17  of  the  unpublished  proofsheets  of  his  Sketch  of  Avestan  Gram- 
mar, II.,  in  type  in  1892,  accessible  to  me  thru  the  kindness  of  Professor  Jackson. 
For  the  same  view  cf.  Bthl.  Wb.  49,  as  against  Bthl.'s  own  former  opinion  in 
§  55,  2  of  Grundriss  der  Iran.  Philologie. 

2  Ablative,  Bthl.  Wb.  1361. 

*  Cf.  also  Tolman,  Ancient  Persian  Lexicon  and  Texts,  1909,  p.  36,  Dar. 
Pers.  c. 


62 

'ta,  with  gerundives  in  -ya^  and  with  the  finite  verb  in  the  passive. 
As  all  these  uses  occur  simultaneously  from  early  beginnings,  con- 
taminations of  one  case  by  the  other,  if  any  have  taken  place,  can- 
not be  traced  chronologically.  But  from  what  we  have  seen  of  the 
possibility  of  individual  developments  on  the  part  of  both  dative 
and  instrumental,  such  assumption  is  neither  desirable  nor  neces- 
sary. The  state  of  affairs  is  different,  however,  in  the  languages 
which  are  discussed  in  the  next  chapters. 


i 


CHAPTER  VII 
The  Dative-Instrumental  of  Agency  in  Greek 

§  73.  As  indicated  in  §  27,  Greek  does  not  possess  two  separate 
case-forms  for  the  dative  and  the  instrumental,  and  the  functions  of 
both  are  discharged  by  a  case-form  called  dative,  which  in  the 
singular  is  partly  datival,  partly  locatival  in  origin,  in  the  plural 
partly  locatival,  iroai,  partly  instrumental,  Tinrots;  so  that  vrjt  is 
loc.-dat.-inst.  in  function,  cf.  Sk.  navi,  nave,  ridva;  Attic  Xvkw  is 
dat.  as  well  as  instrumental  [as  the  petrified  forms  a/ia,  TreSa,  Trapa] 
and  locatival  [as  oikoi,  domi'\,  cf.  Sk.  vrkaya,  vfka,  vrke ;  lttttol^ 
stands  for  inst.-dat.-loc,  cf .  Sk.  vfkats,  vfkebhyas,  vrkesu  ;  vava-L  for 
locative  (as  *A6rjvrj(n),  dat.  and  inst.,  cf.  Sk.  nausu,  lidubhyds,  nau- 
bhis}  Consequently  in  instances  where  both  a  dative  and  an 
instrumental  function  are  conceivable,  it  is  extremely  difficult  to 
decide  between  them.  This  is  especially  true  of  the  dative  of 
agency,  since  it  might  often  represent  an  original  instrumental. 
"  In  diesem  Gebrauche,"  says  Brugmann,  "  hatten  sich  Dativ  und 
Instrumentalis  beriihrt,  und  sie  sind  ofters  schwer  gegen  einander 
abzugrenzen."  ^ 

§  74.  As  to  the  opinions  of  grammarians,  I  do  not  find  anything 
pertinent  in  Apollonius  Dyscolus,  altho  he  mentions  the  fact  that 
TO.  y€  fXYjV  TrXayMV  aTraLTovvra  TrdvToyq  kol  ds  TraOrjTtKriv  {rrjv  iv€pyrjTL- 
Krjv)  SLaOecTLV  fJL€Ta<TT'^crtL€Vy  crviXTrapaXa/x^avoiiievrj^  yeviKrjs  fiera  T7J<s  vird 
7rpo6€(T€(o<;  .  .  .  KOL  avTY)  fx\v  fJLOvrj  ia-TLV  Twv  TraOrjTLKiov  -7  owTa|ts.* 
Modern  writers  are,  in  general,  divisible  into  two  camps,  the  majority 
being  in  favor  of  the  interpretation  of  the  Greek  dativus  auctoris 
as  pure  dat.  commodi,  while  the  minority  give  due  recognition  to 
the  instrumental  ingredients  of  the  construction. 

§  75.  Kiihner*  says  "  Da  der  Dativ  uberhaupt  den  person  lichen 
Gegenstand  bezeichnet,  der  bei  einer  Handlung  betheiligt  ist,  und 

1  Brugmann,  Krz.  Vgl.  Gr.  II.  §  531.  2  Cr.  Gr."^  209. 

2  P.  404,  2^  Grammatici  Graeci,  Ap.  Dyscoli  Ile/oi  SuvTa|ews  Bt/SXta  T€<r<rapa, 
cd.  Schneider  et  Uhlig,  Leipzig,  1910. 

*  Ausfiihrliche  Grammatik  d.  griech.  Sprache^^  1870,  II.  368. 


64 

zwar  so,  dass  er  bei'der  auf  denselben  gerichteten  Handlung  des 
Subjekts  zugleich  selbst  als  thatig  und  personlich  entgegenwirkend 
erscheint ;  so  driickt  die  Sprache  die  thatige  Person  beim  Passive 
haufig  und  bei  den  Verbaladjektiven  auf  tos  und  tcos  welche  passive 
Bedeutung  haben,  regelmassig  durch  den  Dativ  aus."  Kiihner- 
Gerth  ^  admits  "  ebenso  beriihrt  sich  beim  Passiv  der  Dativ  der 
thatigen,  beteiligten  Person  mit  dem  Instrumentalis  des  Mittels." 
Like  Riemann-Goelzer,^  to  whom  the  dative-agent  is  "la  personne 
pour  laquelle  telle  ou  telle  action  est,  sera,  a  ^t^  un  fait  accompli," 
so  K.  W.  Kriiger  ^  sharply  differentiates  between  the  instrumental  or 
*  dynamic '  dative  *  and  the  dat.  of  persons  with  passives  which  he 
considers  a  dat.  possessivus.  So,  too,  Hirt,  without  reference  to 
an  instrumental  component  of  the  dative.^  For  Brugmann,  how- 
ever, cf.  §  73,  and  also  Gr.Gr?  p.  400  ff. 

§  76.  As  against  the  foregoing,  we  find,  as  early  as  1829, 
Bernhardy  speaking  of  the  instrumental  constituents  of  the  Greek 
dative  and  describing  the  personal  datives  with  passives,  like 
&TroK€KpLTcu  fioL,  as  instrumental.^  So,  too,  W.  E.  Jelf,^  "  the  logical 
subject  of  the  impersonal  verbal  adjectives,  the  agent  or  person  by 
whom  the  verbal  operation  is  to  be  performed,  stands  in  the  instru- 
mental dative,  as  in  the  passive  voice."  More  recently,  R.  Wagner* 
under  the  '  Dativ  als  Instrumentalis,^  "  Auch  der  gewOhnlich  als 
Dat.  des  Interesses  erklarte  Dat.  das  tatigen  Individuums  beim 
Passivum  wird,  wie  der  des  Arischen  und  Slavischen,  vielmehr  hier 
einzuordnen  sein :  kyjoi  TroXefxrjTiov  iartv  heisst  '  mit  meinen  Mitteln 
an  Kraft  ist  zu  kampfen,'  iravS*  ruxlv  TreTrotrjTai,  nicht  '  alles  ist  fiir 
uns  =  von  uns,'  sondern  '  mit  unsern  Mitteln  an  Kraft  geschehen.'  " 
This  would  agree  with  Delbruck's  indication '  of  §  434  in  Curtius' 
Sc/iulgrammatik*,  —  which  is  *'  die  tatige  person  beim  passiv,"  as 
belonging  to  the  functions  of  the  instrumental  dative. 

§  77.  Each  side  has  its  own  justification.  Working  a  priori 
from  the  undoubted  existence  of  an  I-E.  instrumental ;  from  the 
existence,  also,  of  one  of  its  functional  types  denoting  agency  with 
passives  ;  and,  then,  from  the  subsequent  historical  fusion  in  Greek 

1  Gramm?  II.  i.  (1898)  §  422,  4. 

2  Gram.  comp.  du  grec  et  du  latin,  1897,  P-  248. 

8  Attische  Syntax^,  1862,  §  48,  15.  *  To  which  cf.  Quintilian,  Inst.  I.  2,  46. 

^  Handbuch,  p.  227.  ^  Wissenschaftliche  Grammatik,  p.  103. 

'  A  Grammar  of  the  Greek  Language^,  Oxf.  185 1,  ed.*  1866,  §  613,  5. 
8  In  Freund's  Triennium  Philologicum  2\  1908,  p.  147.  *  ALL  p,  73. 


65 

of  that  I-E.  instrumental  with  the  dative,  one  would  be  inclined  to 
reduce  all  Greek  datives  of  agency  to  an  original  instrumental. 
Such  a  stand,  however,  would  be  as  false  as  that  view  which,  satis- 
fied with  the  mere  disguise  of  instrumental  functions  under  a 
*  datival '  garb,  would  without  further  ado  class  such  instrumental 
datives  under  genuine  datival  usages.  This  is  one  of  the  situations 
where  a  well-meant  '  lo  non  posso '  is  preferable  to  a  presumptuous 
dictum.  Follows  a  tentative  reconstruction  of  a  few  probable  facts 
in  this  vein. 

§  78.  This  so-called  dative  of  agency  may  be  used  in  three 
different  ways,  viz. : 

{a)  with  verbal  adjectives  in  tos, 

Tots  ovK  i^LTov  iaTLv,  *  quibus  non  licet  exire,'  Hes.  Theog.  732  ; 
{b)  with  verbal  adjectives  in  -t€os, 

ov  o-  ^  t  TrepLOTrrirj  iarl  17  'EAAas  OLTroWvfieirrjf  *  they  must  not  permit 
Hellas  to  perish,'  Herodot.  7,  168  ; 

(c)  with  finite  passive  verbs,  mostly  in  the  perfect  tenses, 

&v  TovTo  viKiofxev,  irdvO*  rifxiv  TreTroLrjTai,  'everything  has  been  accom- 
plished by  us,'  Xen.  An.  1,8,  12. 

These  three  ways  will  now  be  discussed  in  detail. 

The  Verbal  in  -t6s.  §  79.  The  Greek  suffix  -to?  is  the  same 
as  the  participial  suffixes  Latin  -fus,  Sk.  -fas,  Avestan  -fa-,  Slavic  -A?-, 
Lith.  -fas,  Germanic  -da  ;  so  that,  for  instance, 

Gk.  kXvtos  '^  Sk.  srutds  '^  Lat.  in-clutus 

fiaro^  gatds  ventus     <  *gUt'^tds  ; 

in  Greek,  however,  -r6%  did  not  come  to  take  the  place  of  the  past 
participle  in  just  such  a  degree  as  in  the  other  languages  and  re- 
mained a  verbal,  developing  very  early  a  nuance  of  possibility.^ 
It  does  not  seem  to  have  possessed  a  distinction  of  voice  at  the 
beginning  of  the  specifically  Greek  period,  cf.  Plato  TrXavTyros  errans, 
altho  its  employment  as  a  p.p.p.,  like  Sk.  uktds  in  both  passive 
and  perfect  sense,  must  have  been  quite  prevalent,  because  of  the 
extension  to  the  domain  of  derivative  verbs,  as  wviyros  purchased, 

1  dXvTos,  indissoliibilis  >  Xvt6s  solutus  and  dissolubilis,  cf.  Gr.  Gr?  200 ; 
Grdr?  II.  p.  207. 


do-Ki^Tos  manufactured,  dyaTn/ros  beloved,  etc.  How  closely  allied 
these  two  ideas  were  is  seen  in  the  readiness  with  which  the  verbal 
lent  itself  to  being  made  a  p.p.p.  in  Latin. 

§  80.  Delbriick^  states  that  in  combination  with  the  dative- 
agent  the  verbal  -ros  to  denote  agency  is  found  first  in  Hesiod. 
However,  cf.  li  620  TroAvSaKpvros  Se  rot  lorTai,  *  much  lamented  by 
you,'  or  T  404  TToXvapT/Tos  Se  rot  caTt,  '  much  desired  by  you.'  Be- 
ginning with  Hesiod,  however,^  it  is  a  regular  combination.     So, 

S.  Ph.  33  (TTetTTTi;  yc  <^vAAds,  ws  cvavXt^ovrt  tw,  'crushed  as  if  by 

some  one  resting  on  them ' ; 
Xen.  An.  3,  4,  29  ^viirCterov  rjv  rot?  TroXc/xtois ; 
Xen.  Q'/'.  3,  2,  25  TOts  dAAois  ravr*  cvktci  etr].  ] 

§  81.  What  this  dative  represents  cannot  be  decided  directly  by 
the  testimony  of  the  related  languages.  Latin  dative  balances 
against  Slavic  instrumental  [with  p.p.p.  in  -wb],  and  Indo-Iranian 
is  non-committal  because  of  the  presence  of  both.  I  venture  to 
think  of  the  dative  as  the  original  case  in  this  connection,  with  the 
verbal  denoting  that  the  deed  accomplished  was  at  the  disposal  of 
some  one.  Such  a  dative  of  personal  interest  with  a  verbal  denot- 
ing completion  may  easily  be  conceived  as  one  of  the  most  primi- 
tive locutions,  certainly  antedating  all  idea  of  passivity,  and  more 
primitive  at  all  events  than  the  comparatively  complex  and  sophis- 
ticated notion  of  an  instrumental  of  personal  agency,  as  distinct 
from  and  more  advanced  than  the  equally  primitive  instrumental 
of  material  means.  That  the  latter  was  bound  in  time  to  develop 
into  personal  agency,  we  have  noted  before.  That  it  developed 
so  after  the  use  of  the  dative  with  the  p.p.  was  established,  we 
cannot  of  course  demonstrate  chronologically,  since  at  the  earliest 
moment  we  find  in  Indo-Iranian  both  expressions  of  agency  exist- 
ing side  by  side.  Possibly  a  careful  analysis  of  the  respective 
number  of  instances  in  relation  to  the  comparative  antiquity  of  the 
documents,  on  the  basis  of  such  indications  as  Ch.  III.  and  X.  of 
Arnold's  Vedic  Metre  in  its  Historical  Development,  Cambridge,  1905, 
and  in  Avestan  by  the  testimony  of  the  Ga^as  (cf .  Reichelt,  p.  9), 
might  throw  a  faint  light  on  the  primitive  connections  between  the 
two  cases.  Here,  however,  we  must  content  ourselves  with  re- 
marking that  a  simple  statement  of  individual  personal  interest, 

1  Vgl.  Synt.  II.  484.  2  Cf.  Theog.  732,  above. 


67 

one  nearest  to  the  primitive  man's  mental  make-up,  in  a  deed  ac- 
complished by  him,  probably  antedates  an  idea  at  which  he  in  all 
probability  could  arrive  only  after  a  relatively  complicated  process 
involving  a  transition  from  material  to  personal  considerations, 
from  an  active  to  a  passive  mode  of  thinking.  '■  Pitrbhir  dattdh^^ 
to  my  mind,  represents  a  considerable  and  significant  advance 
over  ^ml  krtam.''  It  must  be  added  at  once  that,  should  this 
reasoning  be  applied  not  to  the  earlier  but  to  the  later  stages  of 
I-E.  which,  far  from  being  primitive,  presupposes  an  already  pro- 
longed development  of  the  instrumental,  an  admixture  of  the  force 
of  the  latter  can  easily  be  imagined. 

§  82.  For  Greek  itself  such  a  blending  of  the  two  case-forces 
must  actually  be  postulated,  if  for  no  other  reason,  then  surely 
because  of  the  historical  fact  of  a  dative-instrumental  amalgama- 
tion. Significant  in  this  connection  is  the  use  of  instrumental 
datives  of  the  type  described  by  Brugmann  as  "  die  den  Vorgang 
bewirkende  und  hervorrufende /<?/<?«s  "  (Grdr.^  II.  p.  527)  with  this 
same  verbal  in  expressions  of  possibility,  as 

I  526  SioprjTOL  T  lirikovTO  TrapdpprjTot  re  €7r€€0"(riv,  *  how  he  by  gifts 
was  softened  and  soothed  by  accents  due,'  and 

N  323  ^a\K(S  T€  p7jkt6<s  fJ.eyd\oL(TL  t€  ;j(6p/M.a8toto-t,  'who  may 
by  brass  be  wounded  or  huge  stones  flung  afar  ' ;  so  <I>  568.^ 

The  Verbal  in  -tcos.  §  83.  Ascoli's  view^  that  the  form  origi- 
nates in  *-TLo  [^ereo — Sk.  saf/a'],  so  that  Hesiod's  <^aT€tos  <  *<f>aT€- 
fLo^,  held  even  by  Brugmann  in  Grdr}  II.  1421,  is  now  no  longer 
accepted.  G.  Meyer '  would  derive  it  from  -ros ;  Hirt  ^  believes 
that  both  Sk.  tavya  and  -reos  are  based  on  /z^-stems.  Brugmann* 
has  -T€os  <  *-Tc/ro?  <  infinitive  form  *-T€/:ai,  Vedic  -tave  and  -tavai^ 
just  like  participial  -/acvos  <  infin.  -jutcmt.  —  The  employment  itself 
of  the  verbal,  denoting  necessity,  is  a  post-Homeric  usage  appear- 
ing particularly  in  Attic.  There  is  no  trace  of  it  in  Homer;®  in 
the  few  instances  in  which  its  form  occurs  at  all  it  seems  to  be 
exchangeable  with  -ros,  as  vrTyarcos,  B  43,  H  185  :  ^veiyyaros ;  Pporir), 
T  545  \Ppor6<i\  ireov,  t  176.  Hesiod's  <^aTc[i]os,  Theog,  310,  'Ao-tt. 
144,  161,  is  the  first  example  of  it  as  a  part,  necess.^    Meyer  is 

1  Cf.  Vgl.  Synt.  II.  486.  2  Sprackwiss.  Briefe,  p.  69  ff. 

8  Gramm?  p.  671.  *  Handbuch,  p.  438.  ^  Gr.  Gr?  p.  525. 

*  Vogrinz,  Grammatiky  p.  141 ;  G.  Meyer,  p.  671.        "  Schulze,  Qaest.  ep.  433. 


68 

probably  incorrect  in  discarding  the  Hesiodian  instance  and  assign- 
ing the  first  use  to  Herodotus.  With  the  later  writers  the  employ- 
ment of  -reos  is  quite  frequent,  the  agent  upon  whom  the  obligation 
rests  to  perform  a  given  action  being  denoted  by  a  dative,  and 
never,  as  in  the  case  of  Lat.  gerundive  and  ab  c,  abl.,  by  vno  c, 
gen,     Thus,^ 

Xen.  Oec.  7?  35   ols  av  IvSov  ipyaa-riov,  rovriav  <roL  lirurraTrfiov'^ 
Dem.  6,  28  Trcpt  tcov  v  jxIv  TrpaKTeoiv  varrepov  /^ovXevaecrOe ; 
Thuc.  8,  65   fxeOeKriov  tw  irpayfrnrmv  ttXcloo-lv. 

§  84.  The  morphological  proportion  suggested  by  Brugmann, 
*-T€po<i  [>  -T€os]  :  ^-rcpai :  :  -/Ltevos  :  -/xevat  gives  a  good  starting  point 
for  the  investigation  of  the  origin  of  the  dative.  For  if  the  formula 
holds  good,  and  it  seems  to  leave  nothing  to  be  desired,  the  case 
used  to  designate  the  agent  may  be  brought  in  line  with  the  wide 
appearance  in  the  Indo-European  group  of  languages  of  a  dative  of 
agent  with  a  predicate  infinitive.  —  What  the  Greek  verbal  denotes, 
the  Sanskrit  renders  by  a  verbal  adjective  in  -tavya.  This,  how- 
ever, is  only  post-Vedic^  and  may  be  resolved  into  -tav-{e)  and 
-ya,  cf.  also  stuseyya-s  <  stuse^  '  to  be  praised  <  to  praise,"  which 
would  amount  to  the  adjectivization  of  the  infinitive  stem  or  even 
form  by  means  of  a  suffix.  Now,  in  the  Vedas  not  only  the  gerun- 
dive with  this  suffix  -ya  is  employed,^  in  J^  V.  to  the  number  of  40 
[Whitney],  but  the  bare  infinitive  is  also  found  used  as  a  part.  nee. 
with  the  termination  -e,  -tavai,  and  -tave.^  Like  the  Greek  verbal 
in  -Tos  denoting  possibility  and  the  Latin  gerundive  denoting  neces- 
sity, this  predicate  infinitive  first  occurs  in  a  negative  sense,  as  R  V. 
I,  54,  I  nahi  fe  dntah  sdvasah  parindse^  'the  end  of  thy  might  is 
unreachable.'  Whereas  post-Vedic  -tavya  takes  only  an  instru- 
mental agent,  M.S.  1,5,7,  agnihotrina  nasiiavydm, '  an  A.  should 
not  eat,'  in  the  Vedas  -tave  requires  that  case  only  when  the  mean- 
ing is  strongly  passival,  RV,  6,  56,  i  nd  t^ena  deva  adise,  'the  god 
is  not  to  be  scorned  by  this  one,'  cf.  too  2,  16,  3,  so  that,  discount- 
ing the  everywhere  competing  genitive,  solely  the  dative-agent  is 
in  evidence,  RV.  10,  125,  6  brahmadvise  idrave  hdntava  u,  'so 

1  Cf.  Moiszisstzig,  Quaestiones  de  adiectivis  graecis  quae  verbalia  dicuntur^ 
4  parts,  Prog.  Konitz,  1844-68  ;  Kuhner-Gerth,  p.  447  ;  Gr.  Gr.^  p.  524 ; 
Krviger,  Synt.  p.  229. 

2  S.F.  V.  398.  8  Krz.   Vgl.  Gr.  II.  605. 

*  S.F.  V.  396.  6  Vgl.  Synt.  II.  460  ;   S.F.  V.  410  flf. 


that  the  arrow  may  strike  the  hater  of  prayer,'  or,  without  any 
final  tinge  whatever,  but  purely  predicatively,  RV.  2,  11,  i  sjama 
te  ddvdfie  vdsunam,  'who  must  be  well  received  by  you';  so  2,  11, 
12.  This  fact  seems  to  be  a  significant  indication  of  the  original 
datival  character  of  the  agent  with  such  infinitives.^  —  For  a  similar 
infinitive  in  Avestan  cf.  K  29,  3  nditvtduye ;  K  45,  4  tidit  diwzaid- 
yai;  possibly  K  45,  5  is  an  example  of  the  dative-agent,^  tho  I  am 
inclined  to  place  it  elsewhere,  cf.  §  no. 

§  85.  Similar  combinations  of  the  dative  with  the  predicate  in- 
finitive are  found  in  Slavic,  the  dative  denoting  the  person  on 
whom  the  obligation  rests,^  nesth  nam-h  ubiti,  '  occidere  non  debe- 
mus,'  Sup.  325,  I,  and  in  Russian,  a  jemu  sderzati  carstvo  moskov- 
skoje,  '■  and  he  is  to  rule  over  the  Empire  of  Moscow.'  In  Lithuanian 
the  agent  with  a  similar  infinitive  may  be  left  out  altogether,  as 
af  eit  ar  ne,  '  shall  I  go  or  not  ?,'  but  when  it  is  expressed  it  is  in 
the  dative,  ^  de  waiku  aniemus  mirti,  sine  liberis  moriendum  illis 
est.'* 

§  ^6.  In  Latin  this  infinitive  construction  has,  it  is  well  known, 
been  taken  over  by  the  gerundive.  It  is  interesting  that  the  sema- 
siological  process  is  similar  to  that  observed  in  the  transference 
of  the  idea  of  necessity  from  the  Vedic  infinitive  to  that  post-Vedic 
gerundive  which  was  formed  from  it  by  means  of  a  sufiix.  One  is 
tempted  to  see  a  perfect  analogy  between  the  two  languages,  in 
that  there  is  high  probability  of  the  Latin  gerundive  form  itself 
originating  from  an  infinitive.  Brugmann^ — to  mention  but  the 
latest  attempts  at  explanation,  tho  cf.  also  Dohring,  Die  Etymologie 
der  sogen.  Gerundivformen,  1888,  and  Havet  in  Mem.  de  la.  Soc.  de 
Ling.  VI.  6  —  at  first  ^  identified  the  suffix  -ndo  with  Balto-Slavic 
-tno  [Lith.  siik-tina-s  '  torquendus^^  to  infin.  suk-ti\  then,  corrected 
by  Conway,'  he  propounded  a  new  theory,^  according  a  Proto-Italic 
character  to  the  formation  of  the  gerundive  and  referring  it  to  the 
infin.  ace.  in  -w,  like  Umbrian  fdsiu\_m\  Lat.  fero\fn\  somewhat 
on  the  analogy  of  NHG.  '  der  zu  lobende,  ein  zu  lobender '  beside 
^  zu  loben,^  or  Sk.  sravay-iyas  beside  ^sravai.     L.  Horton-Smith  * 

1  For  examples,  etc.,  cf.  S.F.  V.  399,  422,  and  KZ.  18,  93. 

2  Cf.  Reichelt,  pp.  337,  340  ;   Bartholomae,  KZ.  28,  26. 

8  Miklosich,  IV.  859.  4  Schleicher,  p.  312  ;    Vgl.  Synt,  II.  461. 

fi  Add  to  this  sketch  §  44  above.  «  Grdr.^  II.  §  69,  p.  152. 

'  Class.  Rev.  V.  296.  8  Grdr.^  II.  §  1103. 
^  Cf.  references  in  §  44,  footnotes. 


70 

expresses  doubts  about  Brugmann's  conjecture  as  to  the  possibility 
of  -ndo  arising  from  a  postpositive  relation  of  a  suffix  *dd/e,  mean- 
ing ^  to,  zu,^  ':> -md-> -nd-,  like  Umbrian /d!«^  and  Lat.  quam,  and 
substitutes  for  it  a  suffix  -do^  derivable  from  either  ^/dd  or  ^ dKe^ 
or  both,  attached  in  Primitive  Italic  to  the  Prim.  Ital.  infinitive, 
a  substantive  in  -m,  and  governing  the  infin.  as  its  object ;  so  edum 
•^do>  edundo,  +  nom.  masc.  suffix  s  >  edundus,  and  edendus  on 
the  analogy  of  pres.  part,  edent-.  Fay  ^  refers  Lat.  fer-en-d-ae  to 
an  I-E.  bherndhdi,  Sk.  bhdr-a-dh-yai,  cf.  Gk.  <f>€pe(a)$-m,  with  the 
form  in  -en  being  an  accusative  to  a  root-noun,  in  effect  an  infini- 
tive combination  with  the  root  ^d/ie,  so  that  bhdradhyai  originally 
meant  '  for  putting  into  bearing,'  a  possible  case  of  survival  of  -ndae 
in  infin.  function  being  Epid.  74  Puppis  pereunda  est  probe,  if  the 
iQ2i6mg pereundae  is  taken,  '  is  for  perishing.' 

§  87.  It  will  be  noticed  that  these  leading  explanations  all  meet 
on  the  common  ground  of  referring  the  gerundive  of  the  Latin  to 
an  original  infinitive.  For  the  regulation  of  this  infin  .-gerundive 
with  a  dative  agent,  cf.  §  44  ff .  The  conclusions  from  the  fore- 
going remarks  establish,  it  is  hoped,  the  analogous  stand  of  the 
dative  with  the  Greek  part.  nee.  within  reasonable  certainty,  as 
being  virtually  equivalent  to  that  in  X  76  laaojxivoun  irvOiaOai  where 
the  dative  appears  with  an  actual  predicate  infinitive.  Nor  is 
there  any  reason  to  think  of  an  instrumental  contamination,  be- 
cause even  in  Sanskrit  a  material  havyair  agnir  manusa  trayddhyai, 
*  is  to  be  quickened  thru  the  sacrifice  of  men,'  RV.  4,  2,  i,  develops 
into  the  personal  agent  but  sparely,  and  mostly  in  post-Vedic  litera- 
ture.' It  is  significant,  besides,  that  when  the  verbal  -reos  first 
appears  with  this  dative,  —  it  is  in  Herodotus,  —  the  latter  is  solely 
in  the  form  of  a  pronoun,  as  I.  191,  3  to  iroL-qriov  ot  rjv,^    To  which 

cf.  §§  45  ^.  60. 

The  Finite  Verb  in  Passive.  §  88.  In  contradistinction  to  the 
verbal  adjectives  we  must  postulate  for  the  dative-agent  with  finite 
verbs  a  partial  instrumental  force  of  more  than  conjectural  stand- 
ing, for  the  ease  with  which  the  impersonal,  i.e.  material,  use  of  the 

1  "  The  Oscan-Umbrian  forms  bear  upon  the  much-disputed  question  of  the 
origin  of  the  Gerundive  to  this  extent,  that  they  are  unfavorable  to  any  theory 
which  assumes  that  the  original  form  contained  ndh." — Buck,  Grammar  of 
Oscan  and  Umbrian,  Boston,  1904,  p.  181. 

2  AJP.  XV.  217.  3  s.F.  V.  399,  422. 
*  Cf.  Helbing,  E.  u.  S.  Dat.  p.  39,  note  2. 


71 

instrumental  can  be  extended  to  the  personal  use,  which  we  have 
noted  in  the  related  languages,  must  apply"  equally  to  the  Greek 
passives.  The  entire  series  of  presumably  I-E.  transitional  pro- 
cesses is  faithfully  reproduced  in  Greek,  naturally  in  the  guise  of  the 
so-called  dative,  both  in  the  earliest  poet,  Homer,  and  the  earliest 
prose  writer,  Herodotus.^     Thus  we  find,  cf.  §§  54,  68,  71, 

(a)  pure  concomitation,  naturally  with  verbs  like  ipi^oi,  hroimi  and 
o/xiAe'o) ;  ^  fidxofmi  alone  takes  in  Homer  80  bare  dat.-instrumentals, 
Walther,  19.  Examples  of  a  bare  instrumental  of  association,  as 
apart  from  verbs,  are  rare,  cf. 

S506  TOLO-Lv  CTretT*  Tjiacrov  SC.  crKrjrirpa  €;)(ovt€s, 

A  163  ^  vvv  8r]  Tpoirjdev  aXwixevos  ivdaff  tKaveis  vrjCre  Kal  erdpoLO-L 
iroXvv  xpovov, 

where  vrjC  re  koL  irdpoLa-L  belongs  to  <iA.<i>/x€vos  in  spite  of  a  182 
(cf.  S.!*".  IV.  58);  accordingly  erdpoLai  is  sociative.  That  it  has 
no  (Tvv  is  undoubtedly  due  to  the  influence  of  vrji.     Cf.  also 

P  460  tTTTTOis  dto-orwv  and  8  8  LTnroia-L  Kal  apfxa(riv  ttc/x-ttc  vcec^at, 

where  the  idea  is,  however,  non-personal.' — The  dative  combined 
with  the  attributive  pronoun  avros,  in  Homer  only  non-personal, 
^8dAA'  avTOts  LTTTroLa-i  Kal  app^acrtv  aairov  lovres  .  .  .j  but  post- 
Homerically  also  in  turns  like  avrots  rots  avSpao-t,  cf.  Thuc.  4,  14,  is 
also  considered  sociative."*  Avros  originally  belonged  to  the  main 
idea  and  by  some  inexplicable  syntactic  metathesis  became  at- 
tracted and  attached  to  the  inst.,  so  that  avrot  iTrTroca-L  lovres  >  avrots 
LTnroLo-L  lovres.  —  In  military  expressions  the  troops,  ships,  etc.,  are 
so  many  companions  of  the  leader,  hence  the  sociatives  a-rparw, 
vav(TLV,   iTTTrevaL,  etc.      For  HerodotUS  cf.  3,  54,   l   o-ToA<p  fieydX<o    ws 

OTTLKOVTO,  but 

(^)  already  in  8,  17,  7  €<rrpartvero  avhpdcn  re  SirjKocrLOLorL  kol  oIkyjIy) 
vrjL  we  can  talk  no  more  of  a  sociative  sense.     Cf.  too.  Soph.  At. 

1  Cf.  "Walther,  de  dativi  instrumentalis  usu  Homerico^  Breslau  Diss.  1874; 
and  Helbing,  tjber  den  Gebrauch  des  echten  u.  sociativen  Dativs  bei  Herodoty 
Diss.  Freiburg,  1898,  and  Der  Inst,  bei  Herodot,  Program  Karlsruhe,  19CX). 

2  Add  the  following  authorities :  Kiihner-Gerth,  Ausf.  Gr.^  430  ff . ;  Kriiger, 
Syntax^  p.  75  ff.;  Vogrinz,  Gram.  d.  homer  Dial.^  p.  312.  ff. 

8  Cf.  Holzweissig,  Uber  den  soc.-inst.  Gebrauch  d.  griech.  Dativs ^  1885,  p.  ii  ff. 
'^  S.F.   IV.    58;    Vgl.   Synt,  I.  236  ff.;    Walther,  p.  16;    Gr.  Gr?  408,  and 
Hentze,  Philologus  61,  71. 


72 

767  ^eots  Kparos  KaraKTrja-atTo,  *  by  the  aid  of  the  gods.'  So,  nearer 
to  the  inst.  of  means  are 

K  TOLS  LTnrOKTLV  €Tro^<T€rai 

P  448  apfiaa-LV  8at8aA.€otortv  iTro^T^aeTOL, 

(c)  For  instances  of  the  instrumental  of  means  cf.  Walther,  25  ff., 
and  Helbing,  Der  Inst,  bet  Herodoi ;  also  Gr.  Gr?  410,  Kiihner- 
Gerth^,  435.  They  are  innumerable.  The  expression  a-fjitXTf 
•jrtTroL-qfxevov,  '  made  with  the  graving  tool,'  shows  the  construction 
with  the  perfect  participle. 

(d)  Persons  and  personified  objects  are  often  employed  as 
means  or  instrument, 

S.  Ant.  164  vfxas  8'  €y(b  7rofJLTroL<rLv  t(Trei)C  iKeaOai,  per  nuntios  ; 

Eur.  Heracl.  392  ovk  dyycXotai  ror?  cvavrtovs  6/aav ; 

with  passives  Th.  4,  39x0,5  Sc  oAAas  [ly/tAcpas]  rots  co-ttAcovo-i  \ddpa 
Si€Tpic}>ovTo, '  durch  die  heimlich  Einfahrenden,'  Kiihner,  Gram} 
378:  "vTTo  Ttov  kd'wX'e.ovTiiiv  personlich  aufgefasst." 

So  t  445  Xa;)(vw  OTTCtvo/xevos  Kat  e/AOt',  TrvKtva  <^pov€OVTt,  'thru  me'; 
also  a  280,  H  475,  and  H  546.  This  concept  is  as  near  to  that  of 
agency  as  it  is  possible  to  approach  it  without  crossing  the  divid- 
ing line.  It  is,  for  instance,  difficult  to  decide  in  examples  like 
the  following  which  type  we  have  at  hand, 

Xen.  An.  6,  4,  27  fjivXaTTOfievoi  tKavois  <^vXa^t; 
S.  At.  539  Trpoo-TToAots  <^vXao-o-€Tai.^ 

Certainly  they  are  not  far  removed  from  such  examples  of  agency 
3iS  V  28  Xaola-L  TCTt/xeVos,  or  the  one  cited  by  Meisterhans  from  an 
isc.  (Gr.2  156,  172). 

ttTTo  Tov  w<f>Xr]ixivov  5<i)7r(iAi8i  apyvpiov,  'of  the  money  owed  by 
[not  due  to]  SopoUs.' 

(<?)  That  with  finite  verbs  there  should  be  no  doubt  at  all  as  to 
an  instrumental  possibility,  is  further  evidenced  by  personified 
instruments  found  with  passives, 

Homer,  M  207  Trerero  ttvoly}^  dve/xoLo; 

<l>  524  (f>€p6iJLrjV  oXoots  aviixoia-iv\ 
i  299  [253]  Boperf  aV€fx<o. 

1  Cf.  Fairbanks,  The  Dative  Case  in  Sophocles,  p.  117,  vol.  17,  TrAPA. 


73 

(/)  Still,  when  we  come  to  the  question  of  passive  verbs  with 
personal  agents,  we  are  confronted  with  an  almost  absolute  uncer- 
tainty. We  possess  in  Greek  a  parallel  series  of  gradations,  lead- 
ing up  to  a  legitimate  instrumental  of  agency,  of  stronger  cogency 
than  even  in  Sanskrit  or  Slavic,  but  unfortunately  the  topmost 
point  itself  in  the  development  is  obscured  by  two  circumstances, 
at  least.  The  first  one  is  that  the  very  juxtaposition  of  a  '  dative  ' 
form  to  any  verb  is  sufficient  to  render  its  datival  force  eo  ipso 
paramount  and  even  exclusive.  This  statement  is  not  intended  to 
deny  the  potentialities,  inherent  in  the  dative  itself,  of  an  eventual 
transition  from  the  function  of  interest  to  that  of  agency ;  at  the 
same  time  it  is  manifest  that  the  remains  of  an  originally  I-E.  in- 
strumental force  are  obscured  by  that  very  process  of  case-substi- 
tution which  has  brought  the  dative  to  the  fore.  In  a  word,  the 
matter  is  one  of  popular  linguistic  feeling:  had  the  reverse  oc- 
curred, had  the  instrumental  remained  a  living  force  and  the  dati- 
val function  merged  into  it,  we  would  to-day  undoubtedly  claim  an 
instrumental  connotation  in  all  instances  under  consideration  with 
as  much  insistence  as  some  grammarians  at  present  champion  the 
cause  of  the  dative.  —  Secondly,  the  fact  that  this  dative  of  inter- 
est, standing  apparently  for  viro  c.  gen.  appears  in  the  overwhelm- 
ing majority  of  instances  with  the  perfect  and  the  pluperfect  and 
seldom  with  other  senses  (so  cf.  Kiihner-Gerth^,  422),  is  calculated 
to  prejudice  one  against  instrumental  interpretations.  If  we  recall 
that  the  Greek  perfect,  as  in  ri  tti'Kpa.KTai  rots  aA.A.ois,  Dem.  2,  27,  is 
a  present  perfect  which  denotes  equally  the  circumstance  that  an 
act  has  been  done  by  some  one  and  that  the  act  serves  some  one's 
interests,  we  can  see  a  striking  similarity  to  the  dative  with  the 
Latin  periphrastic  perfect  of  the  type  of  *mihi  facta  sunt,'  a  use 
which  we  found  to  be  I-E.  Superficially,  then,  every  Greek  verb 
in  a  perfect  tense  may  be  said  to  have  a  dative  of  agency  with  it 
which  is  really  a  dativus  commodi. 

§  89.  But  to  exaggerate  such  indications  and  to  insist  on  the 
exclusive  interpretation  of  all  datives  of  this  kind  as  datives  of 
interest,  is  manifestly  erroneous.^  Surely,  each  verb  must  be  studied 
separately,  both  as  to  its  meaning  and  as  to  its  form,  then  brought 

1  As  when  Monro,  §  143,  5,  renders  Homeric  56/)u  jjtxiKpbv,  8  ol  K\i<Tlrj<pi  \4- 
"KenrTo,  N  168,  by  "which  for  him  was  left  in  the  tent."  According  to  this 
reasoning,  what  one  forgets  to  take  along  with  him  is  left  somewhere  /or  him. 
Utinam  semper! 


74 

in  line  with  linguistic  similarities,  defined  as  far  as  possible  by  its 
Indo-European  bearings,  and  only  then  can  a  decision  be  made  as 
to  the  character  of  the  dative  with  it.  This  decision  itself  will  be 
conditioned  by  the  degree  of  verisimilitude  in  the  conjecture. 
The  court  of  last  instance,  in  this  matter  at  least,  must  not  be  the 
Greek  Sprachgefuhl  at  its  acme  of  development,  but  all  those  often 
intangible  tokens  which  will  enable  the  grammarian  to  trace  that 
Sprachgefuhl  to  its  fountain-head. 

§  90.  Thus,  for  instance,  if  the  verb  could  command  a  dative 
in  the  active,  the  possibilities  are  strong  that  the  dative-agent  with 
that  verb  in  the  passive  is  a  retained  dative,  on  the  model  of  Latin 
^  emo  mihi  servum  — >-  emptus  mihi  est  servus.''  Three  categories 
especially  lend  themselves  naturally  to  this  interpretation,  where- 
fore they  are  selected  to  illustrate  the  case  of  the  dative. 

{a)  Verbs  of  finding,  evptcrKO),  —  t  42 1  ct  rtv'  kraipoia-iv  Oavdrov 
\v(nv  yS*  ifiol  avTio  evpoi/xrjv  and  <f>  304  KaKov  61  avT(o  are  media,  but 
in  Hdt.  we  find  the  compound  dvevpLo-KCLv  used  passively;  thus  2, 
82,  5  ripaTOi  re  TrXeo)  (r<f>L  dvevprjTca  rj  tolo-l  oAAown  aTracrt  dvdp^iroKTL ; 
of.  I,  8,  16  dvOp(i>7roL(n  with  iievptarKeLv.  So  Men.  Sent.  51  raXTjdh 
dv9p(x>'7roi(TLV  ovx  evpLcrK€Tai,  etc. 

(d)  Verbs  of  saying,  calling,  like  elprja-OaL,  ScSrjXuxrOaL,  XeX^xOai,  etc. 
Herodotus  uses  in  a  formulaic  manner  ws  dprfaC  /xot  irporepov,  as  i , 
130,  15.^  Similarly  i,  18,  9  ws  kcu  irportpov  p.01  ScSTjAwrat,  2,  155, 
8  o)S  Kol  Trporepov  uivopjaa-rai  fxoi,  5,  62,  3  dirriyqTa.L  jjlol.  Homer,  ^ 
795,  ov  fiev  TOi  fifXeo^  ciprjo-erai  atvos,  V  138,  viK>;cravTt  <^tA.ry  KeKX-qcrri 
ttKOtrts,  to  which  cf.  Soph.  O.T.  1359  Pporois  iKXrjdrjv,  O.T.  8  Trao-t 
KoXov/xevos. 

{c)  Verbs  of  doing,  iroUa),  tct^o),  etc.  Z  56  ^  a-ol  dpiara  TTCTTOoyTat, 
i;  342  ireTTOvrjTai  8e  tol  cvviy ;  Herodot.  2.  no,  7  ov  ot  TreTroirja-OaL  tpya 
olaTrep  Seo-wo-rpt.  —  E  446  oOl  oi  vt/os  y€  T€Tvkto,  A  671  a)5  ottot  'HAet- 
otcrt  KOI  -^fuv  vctKos  iTvxOr],  etc.  —  irpdrruv  is  frequent  in  Attic,  cf. 
Xen.  An.  7,  6,  32  kiriirpaKTO  vfuv. 

§  91.  Besides  the  fact  that  with  these  verbal  concepts  there  are 
but  very  few  exceptions  from  the  above-mentioned  rule  concerning 
the  use  of  the  dative  of  agent  with  the  perfect,  pluperfect,  and 
aorist  passive,  the  pronominal  nature,  in  the  great  majority,  of  the 
datives  to  be  found  accompanying  them,  is  another  proof  of  the 
real  datival  character  of  these  cases.     Helbing  notes  109  instances 

1  Cf.  Helbing,  EuSD.  p.  35  ff. 


75 

of  pronouns  out  of  a  total  of  141  such  datives.  On  a  similar  con- 
dition in  Homer  Havers  bases  his  arguments  for  the  evolution  of 
the  sympathetic  dative  in  Greek  into  a  possessive  genitive.^  If  we 
add  that  with  the  three  categories  vtto  c.  gen.  never  seems  to  ap- 
pear instead  of  a  dative  of  the  agent,  the  intensely  personal  nature 
of  the  connection  is  reasonably  established.^ 

§  92.  So  much  for  the  dative  specifically,  besides  the  remarks 
in  §  ^Z  f.  On  the  other  hand,  an  instrumental  provenience  may 
safely  be  vindicated  in  at  least  one  instance,  viz.  with  the  aorist 
Saixrjvai.  This  verb  is  used  absolutely,  as  a  237,  but  more  fre- 
quently with  the  agent,  personal  or  material,  in  the  dative.  Curi- 
ously, also,  it  appears  with  its  agent  in  vtto  c.  dativo,  as  N  668  vtto 
Tp(oe(T(TL  SafiYJvai  and  others,*  even  w  e/Aot  as  in  <^  213,  E  646 ;  in 
Hesiod,  too,  vtto  Kevravpownv  Sa/ActTy.  The  fact  that  KT€Lv<t}  in  pas- 
sive has  a  similar  regimen,  as  11  490  vtto  HarpoKXta  Kretvoyotcvos, 
makes  the  following  remarks  general  for  all  verbs  of  subjection. 
At  any  rate,  La  Roche,  p.  356,  is  justified  in  rejecting  11  434  and 
II  452  VTTO  IlaTpoKXoLo  SafirjvoL*  because  "  bei  Safma)  findet  sich  sonst 
nur  VTTO  mit  dem  Dativ  oder  der  blosse  Dativ  "  and  not  vtto  c.  gen, 
'ESdixrjv,  cf.  §  5  note,  originally  must  have  meant  */  became  tame^^ 
which  already  in  Homer's  time  was  equivalent  to  */  was  con- 
quered.'' The  relation  of  such  really  intransitive  verbs  to  the 
agent  of  their  action  is  mutual ;  for  not  until  their  agent  is  clearly 
expressed,  do  they  appear  as  definite  passives  :  '  the  house  burns ' 
is  intransitive  until  it  turns  to  '  the  house  is  burnt  up  by  some  one.'' 
Frequently,  therefore,  the  force  of  the  agent  makes  the  verb  pas- 
sive.    For  Latin  parallels,  as  agna  cadet  vobis,  cf.  §  52. 

§  93.  Delbriick^  thus  pictures  the  case  of  iSdfjirjv,  From  *  to  be 
tame '  it  could  be  applied  to  one  fallen  in  battle,  as  iSaixrj,  '  he  suc- 
cumbed.'' The  conqueror  was  conceived  of  as  an  orig.  instrumental 
of  the  sociative  type,  as  U-qXetiovL  Sa/^cts,  '  gestorben  unter  Mitwir- 
kung  des  Peliden,'  in  the  same  sociative-locative  sense  as  11  543, 

1  Helbing,  loc.  cit.  p.  37  ;  Havers,  p.  73. 

2  For  Herodotus  cf.  Helbing,  p.  37;  for  Homer,  La  Roche,  Uber  den  Ge- 
brauch  von  virb  bei  Horner^  in  Zs.  f.  d.  oesterr.  Gymnasien,  1861,  p.  348,  and 
Crusius,  Worterbuch,  s.v. 

8  Cf.  La  Roche,  ubi  supra,  p.  349. 

*  These  are  two  similar  expressions  within  a  score  of  lines  of  each  other  and 
somewhat  doubtful,  cf.  Ludwigh's  annot.  II.  II.  184,  185  sub.  lin, 
6  S.F.  IV.  79;  cf.  also  Kuhner-Gerth8,  123. 


76 

Tov  8'  vvb  HarpoKXw  Sdfma  ty^d  xoXkco?  "Aprjs,  '  durch  P.  liess  er  ihn 
seinen  Tod  finden  ' ;  or  A  243  cvt'  av  ttoXXoI  v<f>*  "EKropos  avhpo<f>6voio 
OvrjcTKovTcs  TrtTTTaxTt, '  wann  unter  dem  menschenvertilgenden  Hektor 
todt  hinsturzen  die  Schaaren.'^  This  would  be  one  explanation 
completely  shutting  out  the  datives.  That  XliyXcWt  and  the  per- 
sonal datives  in  similar  examples  are  not  mere  datives  of  personal 
interest,  but  have  primarily  a  locatival  connotation,  is  evident  from 
the  fact  that  often  these  datives  are  strengthened  by  vtto.  Thus, 
compare  the  instances  cited  in  §  92,  N  668,  etc.,  with  11  854  x^P^^ 
8a/x€VT  beside  the  frequent  virb  x^P^'  SafxrjjMevaL  *  unter  den  Han  den 
und  durch  dieselben,'  as  B  860,  847  iSafir]  inrb  x^P^-'  ttoSwkcos  AiaKt- 
Sao;  as  well  as  X  246  Sovpt  besides  E  653,  A  444,  748  e/Aw  vtto  Bovpl 

8ap.€L<s. 

§  94.  A  development  of  the  inst.  of  means,  however,  is  also  con- 
ceivable. So  (T  54  Lva  TrXrjyrja-L  Sa/ACt'cu,  or  X  271  tyxei  ifx<S  8a/xaa 
or  n  854  xep<TL,  X  246  SovpL,  A  99  j8cA.€i,  would  lead  up  to  per- 
sonal concepts  like  Y  294  HrjXctoiVL  and  P  2  T/owco-o-i,  or  substan- 
tives like  11326  Sototcrt  KaaiyvrJTOia-L,  F  301  aWotcrL  and  T417 
deS  Tc  KOL  dvepif  thru  such  natural  gradations  as  M  37  Aios  fia- 
(TTLyt  a  personified  S  352  vttvo)  KaX  (ftiXor-qTi  or,  of  a  river-god, 
^  291  TTorafiS.  Other  examples  are  0  244,  X  55,  S  432,  X  176, 
S  103,  o-  57.  A  nice  example  from  the  N.T.  is  James  3,  7  Sa/xa- 
^erat  kol  SeSa/xaoTai  rrj  <f>v(T€L  ry  av9p(07rivrj,  *  can  be  tamed  by  the 
human  genius.'  "Es  musste  also  der  Instrumentalis  der  Personen- 
namen  hertibergenommen  worden  sein  von  Sachnamen,"  Vogrinz, 
Grammatik  d.  horn.  Dial.  p.  307. 

§  95.  Of  other  aorists  in  -r[v  we  have  l'K\'r)yy]v  with  a  participle 
always  passival,  and  so  with  the  inst.  of  means  /x  416  TrXy^ydaa  kc- 
pavv^  ;  so  ervTrryv,  A  206  hovpX  tvttcis  rj  y8A>;/xevos  iw.  I  find  none  with 
the  personal  agent.  Like  Sa/x^mt  are  to  be  judged  the  passive  of 
dvao-o-o),  'to  be  ruled  over,'  as  8  177  dvao-o-ovrat  8'  tfxoX  avTw,  where 
the  '  interest '-element  is  clearly  not  in  the  agent,  and  KTetveaOaC 
TivL,  *  to  be  killed  by  some  one,'  as  E  465  i<s  rt  In  KTeivea-daL  ida-ert 
Xabv  *Axaiots.  Kuhner-Gerth's  opinion  ^  that  all  the  above  are  pure 
datives  with  passives,  in  which  Monro,  §  143,  5,  concurs,  are  to  be 
rejected.  (Cf.  to  this  point  Brugmann,  Gr.  Gr?  §  471  Anm.  ; 
§  456,  2  Anm. ;  §  523,  p.  464.) 

1  Ehrenthal's  translation ;  Voss  is  more  advanced,  "  wenn  sie  in  Schaaren, 
vom  mannermordenden  Hektor  niedergestiirzt,  hinsterben." 

2  Gramm?  §  423. 


77 

§  g6.  The  results  arrived  at  for  Greek  are  thus,  by  the  very- 
nature  of  things,  of  a  doubtful  character.  In  the  instance  of  the 
verbal  adjectives  in  -ros  and  -reos  the  dative  was  given  preference 
over  the  instrumental,  in  that  of  finite  verbs  the  impossibility  of 
localizing  and  even  locating  the  instrumental  force  was  emphasized, 
and  a  method  was  indicated  for  separation  wherever  feasible.  The 
Sanskrit  could  not  be  drawn  upon  for  aid.  After  all,  it  is  not  the 
amalgamation  of  a  Sanskrit  dative  and  a  Sanskrit  instrumental 
that  we  have  in  Greek,  but  in  the  last  analysis  the  fusion  of  an  I-E. 
dative  and  an  I-E.  instrumental  without  the  pecuHar  features  of 
Indo-Iranian  additions  and  extensions.  And  this  is  just  the  reason 
why  we  are  forced  to  bow  to  a  semblance  of  things :  the  dative  is 
in  charge  of  the  function  of  agency  thruout;  the  interpretation, 
therefore,  of  the  dative-agent  as  an  original  dative  is  the  easiest 
procedure.  Even  Safirjvcu  tlvl  might  be  suspected  of  analogy  with 
VTreUeLv  tlvl,  as  in  /x  i  i  7  Ocolctlv  viret^eat  aOavdroLcn ;  while  the  ques- 
tion of  advisability  as  to  such  a  reasoning  is  doubtful,  such  reason- 
ing is  only  natural.  For,  had  not  the  dative  itself  been  suited  to 
express  agency,  it  would  neither  have  crossed  over  into  the  domain 
of  the  instrumental  nor  monopolized  this  special  function  of  agency. 
Language  —  a  living  growth,  not  a  system  with  iron-clad  regula- 
tions—  abhors  violence.  At  the  same  time  we  must  not  forget 
the  original  I-E.  development  of  the  instrumental  of  means  and  its 
compelling  conclusions  relative  to  the  personal  agent  with  passives  ; 
and  whereas  one  must  not  and  cannot  go  so  far  as  to  assert  with 
Fairbanks  ^  that  agency  is  a  new  and  restricted  idea  with  respect 
to  the  dative,  one  is  constrained  to  agree  with  him  that  it  would 
be  in  accord  with  the  facts  to  extend,  wherever  possible,  the  instru- 
mental of  means  in  certain  connections,  so  as  to  apply  to  persons 
as  well  as  to  things,  and  not  endeavor  to  vindicate  everything  in 
sight  for  the  dative  alone.  "  The  simplicity  of  the  extension  of  the 
impersonal  use  of  the  instrumental  to  the  personal  is  greatly  in 
favor  of  that  procedure,  and  it  has  what  support  is  to  be  gained 
from  the  Sanskrit  parallel."  ^ 

1  The  Dative  Case  in  Sophocles^  vol.  17,  p.  117  of  TrAPA, 

2  Fairbanks,  ubi  supra. 


CHAPTER  VIII 

The  Dative-Instrumental  of  Agency  in  the  Germanic 
Languages 

§  97.  The  Germanic  languages  offer  almost  an  exact  parallel  to 
Greek,  not  only  in  the  details  of  the  phenomena  of  syncretism,  but 
in  the  extreme  difficulty  of  attaining  an)rthing  like  definitiveness  in 
the  fixation  of  individual  usages  affected  by  such  phenomena. 
Mourek,  in  a  review  of  Delbriick's  Synkretismus^  gives  an  excellent 
characterization  of  the  protean  nature  of  the  material,  "  wo  man 
es  anfasst,  entwindet  es  sich  dem  griff  und  verwandelt  im  handum- 
drehen  seine  schon  sicher  geglaubte  gestalt.  man  muss  sich  daher 
iiberall  nur  mit  einer  der  geahnten  wahrheit  moglichst  nahe  kom- 
menden  wahrscheinlichkeit  begniigen."  In  the  particular  subject 
under  discussion  the  situation  is  further  complicated  by  a  well- 
developed  tendency  towards  analytic  substitutes  for  the  synthetic 
expressions  predominant  in  other  branches  of  the  Indo-European 
family ;  especially  is  this  the  case  with  Old  High  German  and  Old 
Saxon,  which  employ  exclusively  prepositional  phrases  for  the  ex- 
pression of  agency  with  passive  verbs  :  fona  gode  chisalbot,  Is.  3,  2  ; 
//  uuas  bi  thesun  liudiun  giduan^  Hel.  5026,  Ik  geuuisso  gesazt  bin 
kuning  van  himo,  Ps.  2,  6.^  Since  a  detailed  consideration  of  such 
uses  is  outside  the  limits  of  our  investigation,  this  chapter  will  con- 
fine itself  to  Gothic,  Anglo-Saxon,  and  Old  Norse. 

§  98.  The  character,  moreover,  of  the  Germanic  dative  has 
given  cause  to  some  difference  of  opinion.  And  this  entirely  aside 
from  the  now  exploded  theories  of  Diintzer'  and  Ludwig^  accord- 
ing to  which  the  Indo-European  languages  have  not  systematically 
syncretized  their  cases  so  that  few  appear  complete,  but  that  the 
number  of  case-forms  was  at  first  actually  less  in  number  and  in 

1  Zs.f.  deut.  Altertum,  38  [1908],  p.  118. 

2  Heyne,  Kleiner e  altniederdeutsche  Denkmaler^  Paderborn,  1877;  Graff,  Die 
ahd.  Prdpositionen,  Konigsberg,  1824,  p.  236  ff;   Behaghel,  Syntax  der  Heliand, 

1897.  P-  131  ff. 

'  KZ.  17  [1867].  *  Agglutination  oder  Adaptation,  1873. 

78 


79 

distinction  than  in  Sanskrit,  and  the  specialization  came  about 
only  after  the  dialectal  scission.  To-day,  of  course,  we  no  longer 
hold  that  in  the  various  aspects  of  the  Indo-European  case-system 
we  have  to  deal  with  instances  of  accretion.  Rather  do  we  stand, 
cf.  §  23  if.,  for  the  fusions  of  original  case-functions  and  explain 
the  present  position  of  Indo-Iranian  with  8  case-forms,  Balto-Slavic 
with  7  [no  abl.],  Latin  with  6  [no  inst.  and  loc],  Greek,  Germanic, 
and  Old  Irish  with  5  [in  general  no  inst.  loc.  and  abl.],  purely  on 
such  a  demonstrable  basis  of  case-reductions.  But  recently  a  new 
champion  of  the  discredited  " Ausdehnungstheorie^''  has  ap- 
peared. Winkler's  Germanische  Casussyntax,  which  deals  specifi- 
cally with  the  Germanic  dative  and  instrumental,  is  directly  opposed 
to  the  so-called  "  Vers chmelzungs the orie,^^  as  best  advocated 
by  Delbriick  in  ALI.^  Vgl.  Synt.  I,  and  Synkretismus.  This  theory 
of  course  explains  the  Germanic  dative  to  be  of  syncretistic  origin, 
a  Misch-kasus,  arisen  thru  the  assumption  of  the  specific  functions 
of  other  lost  case-forms  ;  a  case,  therefore,  in  which  the  force  of  the 
I.-E.  dative  has  coalesced,  fused,  merged  with  that  respectively,  of 
the  I-E.  ablative,  locative,  and  instrumental.  As  Delbrtick  puts  it 
Vgl.  Synt.  1.  §  234,  "  Den  Trager  all  dieser  Bedeutungen  nennen 
wir  Dativ."  More  specifically,  in  the  plural  the  Germanic  has  lost 
the  dative  and  the  locative,  and  it  is  an  instrumental  form,  called 
'dative,'  which  functions  for  all  three  ;  whereas  in  the  singular  the 
dative  is  most  often  expressed  thru  a  locative,  sometimes  thru  an 
instrumental  form,  in  only  a  few  instances  perhaps  thru  a  dative 
also.     Cf.  §  2>Z  ff- 

§  99.  Far  from  accepting  the  syncretistic  explanation,  Winkler 
considers  the  Germanic  dative  to  be  the  direct  and  uncontaminated 
descendant  of  the  pure  I-E.  dative,  essentially  a  case  of  personal 
interest,  ''  casus  der  beteiligung  ohne  ortliche  nebenvorstellung," 
save  that  in  the  course  of  time  it  had,  by  reason  of  its  basic  signifi- 
cance, extended  the  boundaries  of  its  original  sphere  and  had  come 
to  acquire  the  functions  already  specialized  and  expressed  by  other 
cases  in  the  parent  language.  In  this  condition  it  has  come  down 
to  the  Germanic,  where  we  meet  it  in  all  its  various  applications. 
It  has,  then,  besides  its  original  force,  locatival,  instrumental,  and 
ablatival  signification,  but  these,  save  the  last,  are  merely  seemingly 
such,  inasmuch  as  their  origin  can  easily  be  connected  with  the 
real  character  of  the  dative  case,  interest.  The  pure  dative  in 
Gothic,  for  instance,  never  becomes   either   locative  or  ablative, 


80 

never  performs  any  ablatival,  p.  76  f.,  or  locatival  functions,  p.  68  f. 
and  p.  142,  never  even  approximately  represents  a  real  locative  or 
a  real  ablative  ;  wherever  instances  occur  when  the  latter  seems  to 
be  the  case,  they  will,  on  closer  inspection,  turn  out,  in  the  last 
analysis,  to  be  the  real  dative  of  interest  in  a  special  sense.  Like- 
wise it  only  appears  to  perform  instrumental  functions  because, 
owing  to  its  original  force,  and  the  flexibility  of  its  use,  it  is  suitable 
for  such  purposes.  "  Selbst  hier  ist  es  moglich,  die  vermittelung 
mit  dem  reinen  casus  der  beteiligung  zu  finden,  wobei  von  wichtig- 
keit  ist,  dass  er  nie  comitativen  sinn  hat,  sondern  direct  vom 
casus  des  interesses  zum  casus  der  hinsicht  und  des  mittels 
geworden  ist,"  p.  2,  90  if.  and  elsewhere. 

§  100.   Diagrammatically  expressed,  the  difference  between  the 
two  views  would  be  somewhat  as  follows ; 

Delbruck  Winkler 

I-E.  functions  of  Dat.  Loc.  Abl.  Inst.  I-E.  functions  of  Dat.  Loc.  Abl.  Inst. 


^^ 


Germanic  Dative  Germanic 

Dative 


Winkler's  whole  trend  of  thought  may  be  summarized  under 
the  catchphrase  of  "Germanic  emotionalism."  According  to  him 
the  Germani  must  be  thought  of  as  having  a  peculiar  predilec- 
tion (besondere  Vorliebe)  for  the  case  of  personal  interest,  the 
case  of  reflection,  and  are  psychologically  inclined  to  conceive  of 
lifeless  objects  as  living  beings  interested  in  the  moment  and  dura- 
tion of  an  action  whereby  they  are  affected.  To  the  lively  Greeks 
who  grasped  the  purely  actual  fact,  almost  any  verb  can  connect 
itself  with  the  accusative ;  but  to  the  inwardly  directed  conscious- 
ness of  the-  Germani  the  reason  for,  rather  than  the  action  itself, 
is  of  importance,  and  thus  there  results  a  tendency  to  represent, 
even  in  expressions  of  vigorous  action,  the  object  acted  upon  as  it 
is  affected,  p.  26.  With  what  consequence  ?  That  the  conception 
of  personal  interest  dominates  the  Germanic  mind  throughout,  per- 
sonifies the  most  inanimate  things,  renders  them  living  partici- 
pants in  the  action,  enables  them  to  feel,  makes  them  suffer  or 


81 

react,  contend  or  submit.  The  dative  thus  becomes  a  casus  uni- 
versalis in  Gothic,  for,  besides  the  purely  subjective  relation,  it 
energetically  invades  the  spheres  of  other  cases  and  takes  posses- 
sion, wholly  or  partly,  of  the  functional  domains  of  all  the  other 
oblique  cases  and  even  of  prepositional  relations  of  whatever 
nature,  —  and  everywhere  it  remains  the  same  case  of  interest. 
Indeed,  here  and  there  Winkler  concedes  some  instrumental  sense 
to  the  dative  and  is  not  averse  to  lending  an  ear  to  the  claims  of 
syncretism,  but  even  then  he  conceives  of  a  natural  connection  be- 
tween the  two.  In  the  words  of  a  somewhat  sarcastic  reviewer  ^ 
"  wodurch  man  jemanden  totet  soil  auch  als  das  angesehen  wer- 
den,  wofiir  man  die  handlung  ausfiihrtll  Also  man  erschlagt 
einen  im  interesse  des  beiles." 

§  loi.  We  are  not  inclined  to  concede  such  sweeping  conquest 
to  the  Germanic  dative,  however  personal.  This  acquisition  of 
functions  was  not  so  much  aggressive  and  expansive  as  receptive 
and  combinative,  or  else  the  morphological  and  syntactical  data 
of  Syncretism  with  its  evidences  of  passive,  accidental  and  logical 
absorption  of  one  function  by  another  case-form  go  for  naught.'* 
But  how  does  all  this  affect  the  discussion  at  hand  ?  In  this  way : 
If  Winkler's  theory  be  tenable,  the  function  designated  as  that 
of  agency  can  instantly  be  resolved,  in  conformity  with  the  postu- 
lates of  that  theory,  into  a  relation  merely  of  personal  interest. 
For,  if  it  be  true  that  "  was  von  jemand  gethan  wird,  wird  in  irgend 
einem  sifine  fur  ihn  gethan,''^  p.  80,  the  whole  question  of  the  I-E. 
origin  of  the  construction  discussed  would  be  side-tracked  at  once. 
It  is  proposed  to  demonstrate  in  the  following  how  far  such  a 
theory  is  in  error  with  respect  to  the  so-called  Dative  of  Agency. 

Gothic.  §  102.  The  treatment  of  any  syntactic  problem  in 
Gothic  necessarily  involves  at  least  two  important  considerations, 
namely 

{a)  That  the  chief,  and  almost  exclusive,  source  of  our  knowl- 
edge is  not  an  original  work,  but  only  a  translation  into  the  West- 
Gothic  language  of  the  Greek  texts  of  the  Gospels  and  of  the 
Pauline  Epistles,  as  well  as  fragmentary  renderings  of  portions  of 
the  Old  Testament,  generally  attributed  to  the  West-Gothic  bishop 
Wulfila,  311-383  A.D.  ;^ 

1  O.  Mensing,  p.  552,  vol.  30  of  Zacher*s  Zs. 

2  Cf.  here,  in  addition,  O.  Mensing's  review  of  SynkretismuSy  I  FA.  vol.  22,  p.  47, 
8  For  syntactic  purposes   the  Skeireins   and  the  documents  of  Arezzo   and 


82 

{b)  That,  as  a  result,  for  Gothic  we  do  not,  as  in  the  case  of 
other  Germanic  dialects,  possess  the  materials  for  tracing  the  his- 
torical development  of  the  language,  a  knowledge  of  which  alone 
makes  possible  conclusive  decisions  concerning  syntactic  difficul- 
ties. What  we  do  have  of  the  Gothic  is  —  aside  from  the  so- 
called  Crimean  Gothic  of  the  i6th  century  —  a  completely  isolated 
literary  monument,  a  mere  snapshot,  as  it  were,  taken  of  the  lan- 
guage in  the  middle  of  the  4th  century  a.d.  ;  besides  this,  only  a 
few  insignificant  inscriptions  remain  of  the  language  of  the  once 
powerful  Visi-  and  Ostrogoths. 

§  103.  This  lack  of  material  is  all  the  more  to  be  deplored  in 
view  of  the  importance  of  determining  Wulfila's  attitude  towards 
his  sources.  Whether  he  slavishly  imitated  the  style  and  construc- 
tions of  the  Greek  original^  or  preserved  that  measure  of  inde- 
pendence indispensable  for  an  idiomatic  rendering  is  a  disputed 
question.^    A  careful  consideration  of  all  the  evidence  pro  and  con 

Naples,  etc.,  are  not  generally  recognized  as  authoritative,  unless  corroborated  by 
other  evidence;  cf.  Winkler,  Germ.  Cas.  p.  136,  and  the  introductory  remarks  to 
Streitberg's  Got.  El.^ ;  but  see  also  Lenk,  Die  Syntax  der  Skeireins,  PBB.  36, 
237  ff. 

1  Streitberg,  Got.  EL^  p.  30,  indicates  the  strong  probability  also  of  the  influ- 
ence of  the  Latin  Itala  upon  the  translation,  "  am  schwachsten  ist  sie  in  Mt. , 
starker  in  den  ubrigen  Evangelien,  am  weitesten  aber  in  den  paulinischen 
Briefen."  So  Bernhardt,  Vulfila,  Einleitung,  xxxviii,  and  Bangert,  Einjluss  der 
lat.  Quellen  auf  die  got.  Bibeliibersetzung,  Prog.  Rudolstadt,  1880. 

2  In  a  general  way,  the  striking  similarity  between  original  and  translation 
cannot  be  denied.  Wulfila  evidently  was  not  inclined  to  depart  radically  from 
the  Greek  text ;  his  close  adherence  to  it  at  times,  resulting  even  in  such  ab- 
surdities as  imitations  of  anacolutha,  certainly  minimizes  the  number  of  cases  of 
difference,  and  would  tend  to  reduce  their  significance  when  compared  with  the 
multitude  of  instances  in  which  his  version  agrees  absolutely  with  the  original. 
On  the  other  hand,  whole  series  of  grammatical  differences  and  syntactic  devia- 
tions have  been  adduced  to  prove  Wulfila's  comparative  independer.ee,  not  only 
in  these  respects,  but  also  in  his  peculiarly  Germanic  interpretation  of  Bibhcal 
passages.  Thus  he  is  unquestionably  unrestricted  in  the  application  of  his  verbal 
forms  and  has  a  tendency  to  a  peculiar  use  of  modes  and  of  the  dual  to  attain  a 
linguistic  finesse  not  possessed  by  the  Greek  text.  His  ready  inventiveness  is, 
furthermore,  remarkably  well  illustrated  by  the  fact  that  he  often  turns  the  very 
forms  and  idioms  which  he  sometimes  studiously  avoids  and,  again,  uses  almost 
indifferently,  against  the  usage  of  the  original  text  itself.  In  a  word,  it  is  a  case, 
modified  of  course,  of  *  Quandoque  bonus  dormitat  Homerus*  Cf.  Gaebeler,  Die 
griech.  bestandteile  d,  got.  Bibel,  Zs.  f.  d.  Phil.  43,  i  ff.  ;  Stolzenburg,  Zur  Uber- 
setzungstechnik  des  Wulfila^  Diss.  Halle,  1905  ;  G-L's  Prolegomena,  etc. 


justifies  the  conclusion  that  the  translator,  anxious  to  remain  faith- 
ful to  his  source,  either  because  of  his  reverence  for  it,  or  for  rea- 
sons of  literary  expediency,^  undoubtedly  went  to  the  farthest  limit 
of  what  was  admissible  in  his  own  language ;  but  that,  if  he  was 
not  to  defeat  the  purpose  of  his  work,  even  if  he  did  not  contem- 
plate a  popularization  of  the  Bible,  as  Friedrichs  claims,^  he  had 
to  avoid  doing  violence  to  the  genius  of  the  Gothic  tongue.  Simi- 
larly Bernhardt,'  "  Der  gotische  gebrauch  der  casus  erweist  sich 
durch  die  vergleichung  des  Ahd.  Altn.  Ags.  Alts,  im  ganzen  als 
echt  germanisch."  Therefore  the  occurrence  in  Wulfila's  Bible  of 
constructions  that  might  be  suspected  of  being  Grecisms,  aside  from 
probable  and  rare  instances  of  unconscious  imitation,  can  be  ex- 
plained on  no  other  assumption  save  that,  in  such  cases,  the 
Gothic  could  follow  the  Greek  without  at  all  becoming  unidiomatic. 
This  was  quite  possible  if,  as  we  have  reason  to  believe,  the  two 
related  Indo-European  languages,  at  that  period,  stood  both  on 
nearly  the  same  syntactic  niveau,  having  in  common  the  loss  of 
the  ablative,  locative  and  the  instrumental.'* 

§  104.  It  is  precisely  that  intimate  interplay  caused  by  these 
conditions,  the  almost  systematic  identification  of  Gothic  with 
Greek,  that  renders  it  difficult  to  determine  with  absolute  exacti- 
tude the  character  of  certain  syntactic  constructions  found  in  Wul- 
fila,  especially  if  the  limited  literature  at  our  disposal  offer  but 
few  examples  of  their  actual  application.  Such  is  the  case  with 
the  so-called  Dative  of  Agency  without  preposition.  As  a  rule,  agency 
combined  with  a  passive  verb  in  Gothic  is  expressed  by  the  prepo- 
sition *  fram '  ^  connected  with  the  dative  of  the  person,  e.g.  Mt.  6, 
2  ei  hauhjaindau  fram  mannam,  ottods  ho^aaOoicnv  virh  twv  dv 
^pwTTwv,  Ags.  />£et  hi  sin  gearwurff ode  fram  mannum^  or  Lk.  5, 
15  garunnun  hausjan  jah  leikinon  fram  imma,  kol  BepatreveuOcu 
There  are  found,  however,  well-defined  instances  where, 


^  Cf.  Kauffmann,  Zs.  f.  d.  Phil.  32,  316,  and  Dietrich,  Die  bruchstucke  der 
Skeireins,  2  v.  Strassburg,  1903,  p.  Ixxvi. 

2  Die  Stellung  des  Pron.  personate  im  Got.  Jena,  1891,  p.  3  fF. 

8  Zs.f.  d.  Phil.  13,  I. 

*  Cf.  also  Curme,  Is  the  Gothic  Bible  Gothic?  JEGP.  10,  156. 

^  Grimm's  *  ideal  preposition '  with  passives,  Grammatik^  IV.  947. 

6  The  Belles-Lettres  series  :    The  Gospel  of  St.  Matthew,  J.  W.  Bright,  1904. 

'  Other  examples  in  Gering,  Zs.f.  d.  Phil.  5,  411,  and  Winkler,  Germ,  Cos, 
p.  157- 


84 

instead  of  this  prepositional  construction,  a  pure  dative  of  agency 
seems  to  be  used. 

§  105.  Before  we  undertake  a  systematic  examination  of  them, 
the  opinions  of  grammarians  will  be  of  interest.  Of  those  who  to 
a  greater  or  lesser  degree  have  touched  upon  the  subject,  Gabe- 
lentz  u.  Loebe  ^  attempt  a  fair  solution  of  the  problem,  but  are  led 
astray  partly  by  a  hypothetical  intransitiveness  with  which  such 
datives  are  connected,  partly  by  an  inclination  to  treat  the  con- 
struction as  a  mere  imitation  of  the  Greek  dative  used  with  passives 
for  VTTO  c.  gen.  At  any  rate  they  offer  no  discussion  of  examples. 
For  the  former  of  these  views  they  seem  to  have  followed  in  the 
footsteps  of  Jac.  Grimm,  who  in  his  few  words  on  gaumjan  ^  sug- 
gests '  appareant,  videantur  hominibus '  as  a  meaning  for  Mt.  6,  5 
gaumjaindau  mannam.  Kohler,^  deploring  the  lack  of  material 
that  might  furnish  evidence,  reluctantly  assigns  the  datives  with 
the  passives  of  gaumjan  and  saihan  to  the  category  of  the  farther 
object.  Erdmann-Mensing  do  not  mention  the  subject  at  all ; 
nor  does  Streitberg  who  must  be  understood  as  taking  the  construc- 
tion for  a  Greek  imitation,  since  his  syntax  is  based  only  upon  the 
differences  between  Gothic  and  Greek.^  Bernhardt^  and  Wil- 
manns®  content  themselves  with  adopting  Winkler's  view.  Lastly, 
van  der  Meer^  thus  sums  up  the  situation,  "  Ofschoon  hier  00k  in 
de  meeste  gevallen  het  Grieksch  een  datief  heeft,  laat  zich  in  ver- 
band  met  de  bovengenoemde  gevallen  deze  constructie  ok  van 
Gotisch  standpunt  verklaren,  a  Is  we  den  datief  opvatten  als  een 
dativus  commodi  et  incommodi."  Winkler's  view,  as  might  be 
expected,  is  characteristic,*  "  Noch  einen  fall  nahen  zusammen- 
hanges  bietet  der  ausdruck  des  agens  beim  passiv,  wo  wir  gewohnt 
sind  das  ausgehen  der  handlung  vom  agens  betont  zu  sehen,  gr. 
VTTO,  lat.  ab,  got.  f ram  :  vielfach  begegnet  uns  auch  der  reine  instru- 
mental, daneben  der  dativ  sporadisch  in  den  verschiedensten 
sprachen,  so  ziemlich  oft  in  Avesta,  hier  und  da  im  gr.  und  latein. 
und  desgleichen  im  germanischen.  JDer  dativ  ist  hier  Uberall  rein- 
ster  ausdruck  der  beteiligung.''^  No  writer,  so  far  as  I  am  aware, 
has  made  a  systematic  effort  to  connect  this  Gothic  dative,  from 

1  G-L.  p.  226,  §  231,  2.  2  j)gj^i^  Grammatiky,  IV.  699. 

^  Germania,  xi.  237.  *  Cf.  Got.  El.^  Vorwort. 

5  Krz.  Got.  Gr.  p.  84.  «  Dg^t.  Grammatik,  III.  2,  §  289. 

■^  Got.  Casussyntaxisy  I.  Leiden,  1901,  §  38. 

8  Germ.  Cas.  p.  80. 


85 

the  syncretistic  development  of  this  case,  with  the  instrumental  of 
agency  known  to  other  languages. 

§  1 06.  As  in  the  instance  of  Greek,  so  here  the  very  survival 
and  supremacy  of  the  so-called  '  dative '  contributes  much  to  give 
everything  it  represents  a  strong  datival  coloring.  In  the  discus- 
sion following,  therefore,  the  cooperation  of  the  dative  will  be  taken 
for  granted,  with  the  important  proviso,  however,  that  modern  Ger- 
man Sprachgefuhl  must  not  be  too  heavily  drawn  upon  for  the 
determination  of  such  an  old  stage  as  Gothic  represents.  In  any 
case  of  doubt  we  must  hold  as  authoritative  rather  those  dialects 
which  have  the  most  important  bearing  upon  Gothic  syntax,  viz. 
Anglo-Saxon  and  Old  Norse,^  as  well  as  the  usage  of  the  older 
periods  of  other  cognate  languages. 

§  107.  ei  gaumjaindau  man  nam,  Mt.  6,  5,  oirin^  av  <jxLvS)(nv  rots 
avOptoTTOLs.^  Two  considerations  present  themselves  here.  The  verb 
is  by  many  regarded  as  used  intransitively,  tho  of  passive  form, 
and  this  seems  to  be  borne  out  by  the  Greek  </>av(u<nv.  Now, 
altho  the  results  of  the  action  are  the  same  whether  the  verb  be 
regarded  as  intransitive  or  as  passive,  the  direction  of  the  action  in 
the  one  case  is  essentially  different  from  that  in  the  other  :  in  the 
one  a  merely  subjective  status  is  mirrored,  in  the  other  an  objective 
action  towards  the  subject  is  emphasized.  The  intransitive  usage, 
then,  cannot  denote  that  shade  of  meaning  which  is  inherent  in  the 
passive  verb ;  and  given,  in  any  language,  the  possibility  of  both 
variants,  there  is  no  reason  why  the  one  expression  should  be 
taken  as  the  exact  and  necessary  equivalent  of  the  other.  The 
possibility  of  such  a  conception  cannot  be  denied,  but  its  necessity 
has  yet  to  be  shown.  The  evidence  supposed  to  be  furnished  by 
the  Greek  text  is  of  no  weight  whatever  in  the  light  of  the  fact  that, 
to  be  consistent  in  their  interpretations  of  the  dative,  commentators 
consider  obviously  passive  verbs  in  the  Greek  text  itself  as  being 
used  intransitively.  As  to  the  dative  mannam,  observe  that  gaum- 
jan  is  one  of  the  verbs  in  Gothic  which,  aside  from  instrumental 

1  Bernhardt,  Beitrage  z.  d.  Phil.,  Halle,  1880,  p.  73. 

2  These  citations  are  from  Streitberg's  Die  Got.  Bibel ;  the  Gothic  text,  there- 
fore, is  substantially  that  of  the  Codex  Argenteus  of  the  5/6th  century,  whereas 
the  accompanying  Greek  is  that  of  the  recension  current  at  Constantinople  in  the 
4th  century,  as  reconstructed  by  scholars  like  Lagarde,  Kauffman  and  others. 
Pp.  23-33  of  Goi'  ^^-^  and,  more  extensively,  S.  xxxi-xlvi  of  Got.  Bibel  offer 
detailed  information  on  this  question. 


connections,  as  Jh.  12,  40,  ei  ni gaumidedeina  augam,  tva  firj  tBuxri 
Tots  6<f>daX/x6L^,  take  the  dative-object  instead  of  the  accusative,  e.g, 
Jh.  9,  I  gaumida  mann  blindamma,  Ihtv  avOpwTrov.  Inasmuch 
as  the  dative  appearing  with  it  bears  the  same  relation  to  the  verb  as 
the  accusative-object  to  tfs  verb,  with  the  passivization  of  the  verb 
the  dative-object  necessarily  becomes  the  subject  of  it^  —  and  this, 
indeed,  is  the  usage  of  the  Gothic,  the  formation  of  personal 
passives  by  verbs  governing  a  dative-object.^  Thus  the  construc- 
tion ei  gaumjaindau  mannam  presupposes  an  active  ei  mans  gaum- 
jaina  im.  There  can  be  no  talk,  then,  of  a  dative-object  retained, 
as  in  Jh.  17,  15  or  Mt  9,  17  ;  a  retained  dat.  of  indirect  object,  as 
l>atei  giban  ist  mis,  tyjv  Sodcta-dv  /aoi,  Col.  i,  25,  is  impossible;  a 
pure  dative  of  interest  is  excluded  by  our  view  of  the  passives. 
As  a  practical  proof  of  the  soundness  of  this  reasoning  let  me  offer 
Mk.  16,  II  jak  gasaiJvans  warp  f  ram  izai,  koI  idedOrj  vir  avr^s,' 
I^a/a  *  et  visus  esset  ab  ea,'  which  shows,  despite  Winkler,  p.  35  note 
to  gaumjan,  that  the  passive  of  a  verb  of  seeing  must  no  more  be 
intransitive  in  Gothic  than  in  Greek ;  that  the  dative  connected 
with  it  must  not  be  a  dat.  of  interest;  that,  finally,  the  idea  of 
agency,  as  such,  may  and  can  be  expressed  with  it. 

§  108.  Anglo-Saxon  pcet  men  hig  geseon  offers  no  aid  here.'* 
Piper  ^  assigns  mannam  to  his  table  of  dat.-instrumentals,  Erdmann® 
strongly  dissenting.  Kohler  ^  remarks  that  if  gaumjan  is  taken  in 
its  real  passive  meaning,  'beobachtet,  bemerkt  werden,'  then  this 
is  a  case  of  the  dat.  with  passives  '■'■  wie  wir  im  Lateinischen  gar 
nicht  selten  beim  Passivum  .  .  .  finden."  Mt.  6,  16  and  18,  ei 
gasailuaindau  mannam  fastandans,  ottws  (^avwo-iv  rot?  dvdpwTroi^ 
vrja-Tevovre^  and  ei  ni  gasailuaizau  mannam  fastands,  ottws  /w,^  <^avijs 

1  For  similar  use  in  Gk.  cf.  Kriiger,  ^/A  Syn^.  p.  137. 

2  Cf.  Go^,  EIJ^  §§  241,  255,  286  ;  van  der  Meer,  p.  3;  esp.  Kohler,  Germania, 
xi,  285,  287. 

3  For  Gk.  cf.  also  Xen.  Cyr.  3,  3,  31  and  Oec.  8,  11. 

*  In  accordance  with  the  opinions  of  Bernhardt,  Beitrage  z.  d.  Phil.  Halle, 
1880,  p.  73,  the  Anglo-Saxon  version  of  the  Bible  is  constantly  drawn  upon  for 
collateral  testimony.  Whilst  the  Gothic  and  Anglo-Saxon  translations  were  not 
made  from  the  same  text,  the  prototype  of  the  latter  being  the  Vulgate,  the  evi- 
dence of  the  Anglo-Saxon  is  nevertheless  important,  as  an  index  of  Germanic 
"  Gesinnungsweise"  in  clearing  up  the  Germanic  character  of  ambiguous  con- 
structions in  Gothic. 

6  ijber  den  Gebrauch  des  Dativs,  p.  29.  «  Zs.  f.  d.  Phil.  6,  1 21. 

^  Germania^  xi,  287. 


87 

Tots  dv9p<jiTrois  vrj(TT€v(Dv,  may  after  the  preceding  lines  be  passed  by, 
save  that  Ags.  lends  added  weight  to  their  interpretation  in  the 
above  light:  whereas  in  \(}  pcBt  hig  cefeowun  mannum  fcestende  is 
a  real  dative  of  interest  because  of  its  verb,  *  to  appear,'  iB>,AcBt/>u  ne 
sy  gesewen  fram  mannum  fcestende  has  the  idea  of  agency  in  its 
most  distinct  form  of  expression  with  a  verb  of  active  seeing. 

§  109.  Du  sailuan  im,  Mt.  6,  i,  Trpos  to  OeaOrjvai  avrots.  Bopp,  in 
an  interesting  passage  ^  intimates  that  t'm  is  not  an  ordinary  dative. 
"  Ausserdem  kann  oft  im  Gothischen  nur  aus  dem  Zusammenhang 
und  durch  den  dabeistehenden  Dativ  [allein  oder  mit /ram,  von], 
welcher  im  Gothischen  hdufig  die  Stelle  des  skr.  Instrumentalis  vertritt 
—  italics  mine  —  erkannt  werden,  das  der  Infinitiv  nicht  die 
gewohnliche  active,  sondern  passive  Bedeutung  hat.  So  erhellt 
Matth.  6,  I,  aus  dem  Dativ  im  von  ihnen,  dass  der  vorangehende 
Infinitiv  passive  Bedeutung  hat,  und  du  saihan  im,  welches  wir,  um 
die  Construction  nachzuahmen,  durch  *  zum  Sehen  von  ihnen ' 
ubersetzen  miissten,  ubertragt  das  Griechische  Trpos  to  6ea6rjvai 
avTois."  Grimm  (IV.  104  f.)  evidently  under  the  spell  of  NHG. — 
Tatian  in  his  paraphrastic  thaz  ir  gisehan  sit  avoids  the  dative  alto- 
gether—  expresses  his  astonishment  that  the  Gothic  infinitive 
should  not  only  be  used  in  a  passive  sense,  but  even  connected  with 
an  oblique  case  thru  which  that  passive  is  defined. 

§  no.  In  spite  of  Bopp,  I  am  inclined  to  vindicate  for  im  an 
original  datival  use,  and  that  because  the  form  with  which  it  is 
found  seems  to  bring  it  in  line  with  a  general  Indo-European  phe- 
nomenon, the  use  of  the  infinitive  in  a  final  sense.  Not,  indeed, 
according  to  Jolly ,^  who,  citing  Benf ey's  rule '  as  to  the  attraction  of 
the  dative-infinitive,  would  see  a  parallel  between  vrtraya  hantave, 
*  Vritrae  occidendo,  ad  Vritram  occidendam,'  or  drse  vi'svaya, '  omni 
videndo,  ad  omne  videndum,'  and  du  saiJvan  im}  There  would, 
indeed,  be  a  similarity  if  du  saihan  im  meant  *  ad  eos  videndos  * 
or,  in  Benf  ey's  scheme  of  attraction,  '■  eis  videndis.'  —  The  final 
sense  of  infinitives,  originally  case-forms  of  verbal  abstracts, 
nomina  actionis,^  undoubtedly  based  on  an  I-E.  usage,  is  common 
to  a  number  of  languages.  So  Sanskrit,  with  a  meaning  of  pas- 
sivity similar  to  the  Gothic,  RV.  7,  31,  i  a  vo  vahistho  vahatu 

1  Vgl.  Gramm.  III.  §  872,  p.  305. 

2  Gesch.  des  InfinitivSy  p.  163,  tho  cf.  also  p.  265. 

8  Krz.  Sk.  Gr.  p.  237.  *  Cf.  also  KZ.  18,  104. 

^  Cf.  Bopp's  Konjugationssysteniy  1816,  p.  71. 


stavddhyai  rdthah,  *  in  order  to  be  praised,  for  praise  ' ;  RV.  i,  123, 
II  avis  tanvdm  krnufe  drse  kdm,  'so  that  it  may  be  seen,'  is  the 
exact  counterpart  of  du  saiJvan.  These  examples  are  taken  from 
Vgl.  Synt  II.  464  and  S.F.  V.  410  iff.  For  the  A  vest  an,  cf.  Rei- 
chelt,  §  702  tat  nidi  vicidydi  vaoca  viduye  mpncd  daidyai.  Similar 
infinitives  of  purpose  are  found  in  Homer,  7176,11373;  passively 
5  507  Kfxro  8*  ap  iv  fiea-aoiaL  8voi  ;(pvoroto  ToAavra,  tw  Sofiev,  *  in  order 
to  be  given  to  him,'  os  etc.*  For  Bal to-Slavic,  cf.  Miller,  Ueder 
den  letto-slavischen  Infinitiv,  Kuhn  &*  Schleicher  8,  165.  The 
agent  with  these  infinitives  is  in  the  dative;  it  is  not 
so  much  an  agent  as  a  dat.  commodi.  RV.  9,  4,  \  puni- 
tdna  somam  in  dray  a  patave,  'for  Indra  to  drink,'  'to  be  drunk 
by  Indra,'  as  we  would  say  to-day;  10,  14,  12  drsdye  suryaya, 
*for  a  view  to  the  sun,  to  be  seen  by  the  sun.'  So  i,  113,  5. — 
Avestan,  '' uksne  krathwe,  zur  Vermehrung  fiir  den  Verstand," 
Wilhelm,  Infin.  p.  96.  Cf.  above  moi,  also  Y.  45.  5  sruidyai  ma- 
rptaeibyo,  'for  men  to  hear.'  —  Greek,  x  47^  /xiySea  t  i^epvaav, 
Kvcrlv  w/xa  BdcracrOaL,  A  76  Koi  k<T(Toix.€voi(n  TrvdiarOai.  Slavic,  sila 
christosova  jest-h  videti,  '  in  order  to  be  seen.'  ^  Lithuanian:  ^J2 
girdejau,  kdd  til  tun  dtikteri  smakui  praryt,  '  a  daughter  to  be  swal- 
lowed by  a  dragon,  zum  Verschlingen  fiir  einen  Drachen." 

§  III.  The  Germanic  infinitive  in  such  instances,  consequently, 
may  be  taken  as  one  of  these  final  infinitives.  Since  the  preposi- 
tional infinitive  bears  the  same  relation  to  the  simple  infinitive  — 
itself  but  a  nomen  absolutum  —  which  the  prepositional  cases  bear 
to  simple  cases,  the  preposition  du  serves  only  as  a  preservative 
of  the  original,  worn,  and  tarnished  basic  signification.^  In  other 
words,  im  parallels  the  datives  in  such  noun-connections  expressive 
of  purpose  as  Mt.  ^,  ^  du  weitwodipai  im,  eis  frnprvpiov  avrols,  '  for 

1  Cf  Gr.  GrJ^  §  457. 

2  Miklosich,  IV.  849 ;  Vondrak,  II.  366. 
8  Cf.  also  Schleicher,  p.  311. 

*  The  W.  Germanic  has  an  inflected  infinitive  [gerundium],  an  expansion  of 
the  orig.  suffix  with  -w-^  preceded  by  a  preposition,  Ags.  to^  OS.  to,  te,  OHG.  zi 
followed  by  a  dative,  to  dlosannea,  to  bindanne,  zi  bintanne  (Dieter,  Altgenn. 
Dial.  p.  379;  Wilmanns,  3,  i,  p.  127).  It  is  doubtful  whether  a  dative  form 
like  this  existed  in  Gothic,  because  Lk.  14,  31  du  viganna  is  a  conjectural  form, 
cf.  Streitberg,  Got.  Bib.  II.  174.  On  this  see  Winkler,  Germ.  Gas.  p.  289,  and 
Jolly,  p.  176,  who  hold  that  the  Germanic  infinitive  was  originally  a  dative,  tho 
Streitberg,  U.G.  §  198:  I-E.  -{p)no-m  >  Qxm.  {a)n,  as  I-E.  *bheronom,  Sk. 
bhdranam.  Gt.   bairan.  therefore  a  neuter  nominative- accusative. 


a  testimony  to  them';  R.  lo,  4.  du  garaihtein  a II aim  paint  ga~ 
laubj andain^  eis  hiKaxo(Jvvt\v  iravrX  tw  TrttrTevovrt.  On  the  Other 
hand,  compare  2  Cor.  i,  20,  where  agency  is  denoted,  pure  and 
simple,  gupa  du  wulpau  pairh  uns,  t<5  ^ew  Trpos  ho^av  hC  ^/mwv. 
So,  ^«  saijvan  im  really  means  '/^r  «  seeing,  a  view  to  them.'* 
The  passive  meaning  attached  to  it  to-day  is  artificial  and  based 
on  analogy  with  the  modern  German  and  perhaps  with  Latin, 
a  procedure  warned  against  in  principle  as  early  as  Grimm, 
IV.  66. 

§  1 12.  Anglo-Saxon  pcet  ge  sin  geherede fram  him  does  not  corre- 
spond at  all  to  the  Greek,  —  it  means  '  laudare,  celebrare,'  as  in 
Ps.  Th.  43,  10  —  and  for  Mt.  23,  15  tt/jos  to  OeaOrjvaL  TOts  dvOpfOTroLs, 
which  is  not  in  our  Gothic  text,  we  have  in  Ags.  pcet  men  hi  geseon. 
The  Gothic  i  Tim.  4,  3,  fianzei  gup  gaskop  du  andniman  mip  awili- 
udam  galaubjandam  jah  ufkunnandam  sunja^  a  6  Oeos  Ikti- 
<T€v  eU  ixcToX-qij/Lv  .  .  .  Tois  TTLo-TOLs  kt\.,  Teprcscnts  to  my  mind  the 
same  construction  as  du  saihan  im, 

§  113.  I  Cor.  15,  5  ataugids  ist  Kefin  jah  afar  J?ata  ]'aim  ain- 
libim,  ui^Or\  Kr)(f>a  etra  rots  StoScKa ;  and  I  Tim.  3,  16,  cf.  also  Mk. 
9,  4,  ataugids  warp  paint  aggilum,  w^O-q  dyyeAots  —  admit  of  an 
intransitive  interpretation  in  the  first  instance,  and  Mk.  9,  4  of  the 
Ags.  pa  cetywde  him  He  lias  mid  Moyse  substantially  covers  jah 
ataugips  warp  im  Helias  mip  Mose,  to  parallel  io^O-q  avrot?.  At 
the  same  time  some  considerations  are  at  hand  towards  a  contrary 
explanation.  The  Gothic  presents  the  curious  complication  of  em- 
ploying both  the  passive  of  ataugjan  —  'be  shown,  appear,  be 
seen '  —  and  the  reflexive  ataugjan  sik  to  render  the  Greek  opdofmL. 
Thus,  Mk.  9,  4  ataugips  warp  im  H.  w<f>97j  avrot?,  [also  i  Tim. 
3,  16  and  I  Cor.  15,  5,  as  against  i  Cor.  15,  7  ataugida  sik 
Jakobau,  w<l>9r]  'laKw/Sw;  so  i  Cor.  15,  8.  To  the  latter  must  be 
added  Mk.  27,  53  ataugidedun  sik  managaim,  If^avLaOyja-av  iroX- 
\o2s,  and,  because  of  its  meaning,  Mk.  16,  9,  ataugida  Marjin, 
icfjavrj.  It  is  to  be  noted  that  the  expression  w<f>6ri  with  the  dative 
recurs  four  times  in  close  succession,  but  that  the  Gothic  does  not 
render  it  alike  in  all  instances ;  in  the  first  two  Wulfila  translates 
by  the  periphrastic  passive,  in  the  last  two,  however,  by  a  reflexive 
construction ;  probably  this  variation  is  simply  due  to  a  desire  to 
vary  the  style.  Kohler's  statement,  "  Der  got.  Ubersetzer  scheint 
gefiihlt  zu  haben,  dass  er  seiner  sprache  etwas  ihr  eigentlich  Frem- 
des  zumuthet,  wenn  er  den  Dativ  beim  Passiv  setzt,  und  das  Re- 


90 

flexivum  vorgezogen,"^  is  gratuitous  in  view  of  the  Indo-European 
bearings  of  this  Gothic  dative  with  passives.  Ataugjan  sik  is  too 
palpably  and  correctly  used  in  its  literal  meaning  '  to  show  one's 
self '  either  to  necessitate  an  intransitive  '  to  appear '  or  to  be 
equated  with  a  passive  '  to  be  seen.'  This  much  cannot  be  said  of 
I  Cor.  15,  5  or  I  Tim.  3,  16.  It  might  be  that  Wulfila  did  try  to 
avoid  a  similar  Greek  construction,  but  the  inference  need  not  be 
that  a  suitable  substitute  is  an  alternate  of  exact  correspondence 
as  well.  That  desire  for  variety  played  a  large  part  in  Wulfila 's 
choice  of  words  is  evident  from  the  same  sentence-unit  where  an- 
other ^Bk]  in  the  series  is  rendered  gasaihans  ist  managizam^ 
i-rraLVio,  1  Cor.  15,  6.  Furthermore,  the  impression  gathered  from 
I  Tim.  3,  16,  where  we  have  another  series  of  Greek  passives,  is 
that,  alive  to  the  finer  requirements  of  stylistic  technic,  Wulfila 
varied  his  verbs  accordingly,  but  that,  despite  Kohler's  view  above, 
with  the  passive  of  ataugjan  he  really  wished  and  could  render  the 
Greek  passive  with  a  dative-instrumental  of  agency.  In  mere  in- 
transitive turns,  he  resorts  indifferently  to  sik  ataugjan  or  in  siunai 
wairpan  to  render  ffxxvrjvai  or  kavTov  Sei^at. 

§  114.  Mt.  5,  21  and  33  )7atei  qij7an  ist  Jjaim  airizaim,  on 
ippWrj  ro2<s  dpxaLOL<i.  Our  modern  English  version,  '  ye  have  heard  it 
was  said  by  them  of  old  time,'  encourages  the  view  of  agency,  such 
as  appears  in  Lk.  2,  21  -with /ram.  Neither  the  Greek  original 
nor  the  Anglo-Saxon  version  based  on  the  Latin  Vulgate  can  help 
us  out.  So  the  Anglo-Saxon  has  ^  Ge  gehyrdon  pcBt  gecweden  wees 
on  ealdum  tidum,  cwiden,  but  the  Northumbrian  glosses  the  Latin 
*  dictum  est  antiquis '  with  acueden  is  to  deem  haaldum,  whereas 
the  Mercian  reads,  /^cette  cwceden  wees  p(2m  iu-monnum.  The  in- 
tention of  the  Church  Fathers  was  to  take  it  'to  the  ancients,' 
Chrysostomos,  Horn.  xvi. ;  accordingly  Meyer^,  Kommentar,  I.  i, 
1858,  p.  144  is  correct  in  paralleling  ippiOrj  to2s  dpx^'tbis  with 
Xeyo)  8c  v/juv  in  verse  22.  So,  too,  Tholuck,  loannis  Calvini  in 
N.T.  Comm}  1838,  I.  147.  Luther,  "  dass  zu  den  Alten  ge- 
sagt  ist." 

§  115.  In  Rom.  7,  10  bigitana  war]?  mis  anabusns,  /cat  evpidr}  fxoi 
17  ivToXr},  and  2  Cor.  12,  20,  jak  ik  bigitaidau  izwis  swaleiks  swe  ni 
wileip  mik,  <{>o/3ovfuii  /ai^ttws  .  .  .  xdyw  evpWo)  v/juv  olov  ov  Oikere,  cf. 

^  Germania,  XII.  64. 

2  From  The  Holy  Gospels  in  Anglo-Saxon,  Northumbrian,  and  Old  Mercian 
Versions,  synoptically  arranged  .  .  .  iy  W.W.  Skeat,  Camb.  1871-87. 


91 

also  Rom.  lo,  20,  we  have  to  deal  with  two  instances  of  the  dative- 
agent  developed  from  an  original  dat.  commodi.  Both  Gk.  evpCa-Ko- 
fjMi  and  Germanic  *bigeian'^  admit  of  a  dative  of  interest  in  the 
active,  hence  \uoi  and  v)u,tv,  mis  and  izwis  might  well  be  retained 
datives  in  a  developed  sense.  To  my  mind  G-L/s  translation  '  et 
inventum  fuit  mihi  praeceptum '  savors  too  much  of  an  adjectival 
sense  of  the  participle.  That  in  Gothic  the  participia  praeteriti 
must  be  considered  as  adjectives,  especially  when  connected  with 
the  substantive  verb,^  I  do  not  beUeve,  because  all  past  forms  of 
the  Greek  passive,  aside  'from  their  rendition  by  means  of  Gothic 
actives,  must  be  expressed  by  periphrasis  with  wisan  and  wairpan? 
Consequently  these  forms  are  finite  passive  verbs  first  of  all.^ 

§  116.  Mk.  II,  17  J7ata  razn  mein  razn  bido  haitada  a  Halm 
Jjiudom,  on  o  oikos  /xov  oikos  Trpoa-evxrj^  KXyjOi^creTaL  TraaLv  rot?  eOveaLv, 
is  one  evidence  of  the  errors  practised  in  the  interpretation  of 
transitive  verbs.  Even  if  one  allows  that  active  transitive  verbs  of 
seeing  in  passive  form  must  necessarily  give  the  intransitive  sense 
'to  appear,'  a  verb  of  naming  and  calling  can  remain  nothing  else 
but  naming  and  calling  even  when  passivized.  Nothwithstanding, 
G-L.  suggest  "es  sollte  a//en  Voelkern  als  ein  Bethaus  gelten." 
Ags.  fecet  mm  hus  fram  eallum  P'eodum  bid genemned gebedhus^ 
rendering  the  Vulgate  '  vocabitur  omnibus  gentibus,'  clearly  shows 
instrumental  agency.  Again,  it  may  be  that  Gothic,  as  apart  from 
the  evidence  of  Ags.,  merely  followed  the  prototype,  in  which  case, 
of  course,  we  have  to  do  with  a  dative-agent  as  in  §  115.  For  both 
cf.  §  90  a,  b}  Piper,  op.  cit.  29,  classes  piudom  among  the  instru- 
mental datives.  The  OHG.  ther  uuas  uns  io  giheizan,  as  often  in 
Otfrid,  means,  of  course,  '  promised  to  us.' 

§  117.  Rom.  14,  18  walla  galeikaij?  guda  jah  gakusans  ist 
man  nam,  evapeo-ro?  tw  ^ecu  Kttt  SoKt/xos  Tots  dvOp(i)7roL<s.  The  Greek 
seems  to  have  influenced  the  Gothic.  But,  then,  guda  is  governed 
by  ga/eikan,  as  '  placet  domino  ' ;  gakiusan,  on  the  other  hand,  is  a 
transitive  verb,  SoKt/Act^ctv,  hence  mannam  cannot  be  accounted  for 
except  on  the  ground  of  being  a  dative  of  agency,  '  probatus  est 
hominibus.'  That  it  is  not  a  dat.-inst.  of  agent,  in  spite  of  rather 
late  Kgs.  gecoren  wcerefram  gode,  Blickl.  Hom.  187,  20  —  Caedmon 

1  Cf.  Synkretismus,  p.  38.  2  Grimm,  IV.  717. 

8  Cf.  Got.  El.^  §  285,  3.  *  Cf.  Kohler,  Germania,  xi.  287. 

6  The  Hebrew  text  of  Is.  56,  7,  n^m:fh'^  K-il^":  n^BITn^a  "'rT'3  is  identical 
in  sentiment  with  the  Greek  ;  cf.  also  Tob.  3,  11  and  i  Maccab.  7,  37. 


has  Dan.  92  metode  gecorene  —  is  shown  by  the  consistent  Gothic 
rendering  of  dSoKt/Ao?  by  ungakusans. 

§  118.  Mk.  10,  12  jahliugadaanparamma,  koL  yafx-qOfj  a\\(om2iy, 
according  to  §§  28  and  36,  (a),  he  taken  as  a  real  dat.-instrumental 
of  agency.  So,  also,  Piper,  op.  cit.  29  ;  even  Winkler,  p.  84,  "  konnte 
auch  bei  den  passiwerben  mit  dem  dativ  der  handelnden  person 
genannt  werden." 

§  119.  Jh.  6,  13  Jjatei  aflifnoda  J^aimmatjandam,  5  cireptWcvorav 
Tots  pe^poyKoa-Lv  and  Lk.  9,  17  /^/(?/  aflifnoda  im  gabruko.  The 
intent  of  the  Greek  passages  is  given  by  Alford,  The  Greek  Test.  I., 
ad  loc,  as  that  they  collected  the  fragments  for  their  own  use,  each 
in  his  Ko<^tvos.^  So  Meyer*,  Kommentar,  Johannes,  1862,  p.  217, 
"  und  jeder  Apostel  fiillt  mit  dem  Uberfluss  seinen  Reisekorb."  At 
the  same  time  Wulfila  may  have  had  a  different  interpretation  of  the 
matter  and,  if  not  for  the  ambiguous  character  of  the  intransitive- 
inchoative  verbs,^  van  der  Meer's  "wat  overgelaaten  werd  door 
hen  "  could  be  justified  by  an  example  to  be  found  in  Skeir.  7,27 
which  is  another  translation  of  Jh.  6,  13,  but  reads  />atei  aflifnoda 
at  paim  ;  matfandam  is  lost  in  the  fragment.  That  this  at  is  the 
preposition  found  with  verbs  of  taking,  receiving,  and  finding  in 
contradistinction  to  the  Greek  which  in  such  cases  emphasizes  the 
*  direction  from '  by  dTro,  irapd,  etc.,  is  supported  by  i  Thess.  4,  9, 
unte  silbans  jus  at  guda  uslaisidai  sijufoj  avrol  yap  v/Acts  deoBCBaKTOL 
ia-re,  *  von  Gott  belehrt ' ;  i  Tim.  6,  5  at  f^aimei  gatarnip  ist  sunfa^ 
Kttt  airea-TeprjiJLiviov  r^s  aX.r]6eui<Sf  '  by  whom  truth  is  perverted  ' ;  Lk. 
10,  7  driggkandans  f>o  at  im,  sc.  gibanona,  TrtVovres  to.  irap  avrdv. 
Consequently  the  possibility  of  Jh.  6,  13  and  Lk.  9,  17  being  each 
a  dative-instrumental  of  agency  is  by  no  means  excluded. 

§  120.  In  contradiction  to  van  der  Meer,  p.  87,  in  Mk.  2,  26 
J^anzei  ni  skuld  ist  matjan  niba  ainaimgudjam,  and  in  Lk.  6,  4, 
the  dative  should  be  taken  with  skuld  ist,  a  dat.  commodi,  as  in 
Mk.  6,  18  ni  skuld  ist  fius  haban?  The  Ags.  pe  him  ne  alyfede 
n^ron  to  etanne,  buton  sacerdon  anum  supports  this  view.  There- 
fore '  quos  non  licet  manducare  sacerdotibus.'  For  Lk.  9,  14  cf. 
Kohler,  Germania,  XII.  450  f.  This  exhausts  the  fist  of  the  Gothic 
examples  available  for  discussion. 


1  Cf.  Juv.  Sat.  3,  14  quorum  cophinus  foenumque  supellex. 

2  Cf.  G-L.  p.  138  and  Streitberg,  Got.  El.^  p.  188. 

^  Cf.  Winkler,  Germ.  Gas.  p.  24;  Gering,  Zs.f.  d.  Phil.  5,  420  f. 


93 

§121.  To  sum  up :  All  together  there  are  not  many  instances  in 
Gothic  of  passive  constructions  with  the  subject  designated  ;  those 
with  a  prepositionless  dative  are  very  few.  Of  the  verbs  neverthe- 
less found  thus  connected  the  majority  are  those  of  seeing,  or  find- 
ing, or  calling,  concepts,  in  a  word,  which  could  suggest  an  a  priori 
explanation  of  these  datives  as  datives  of  personal  interest.^  In 
the  instance  of  the  verbs  of  finding  such  an  interpretation  was 
indeed  given  on  general  I-E.  grounds  as  well ;  in  that  of  a  verb  of 
calling  the  intent  of  the  Church  Fathers  was  invoked  to  confirm  a 
similar  conclusion.  In  the  discussion  of  du  saiJvan  im  the  testi- 
mony of  the  Indo-Iranian,  Balto-Slavic,  and  Greek  traced  the  dative 
back  to  a  common  I-E.  basis.  Still,  in  the  course  of  this  investiga- 
tion, each  example  being  considered  by  itself,  enough  has  been 
shown  to  prove  that  Gothic  possesses  both  datives  of  agency  that 
go  back  to  original  datives  and  such  as  present  a  variety  distinct 
and  separate  from  the  usual  run  of  dativi  commodi  and  which,  in 
fact,  are  traceable  to  an  I-E.  instrumental. 

§  122.  That  this  is  possible  has  been  demonstrated,  it  is  hoped, 
beyond  a  shadow  of  doubt  in  connection  with  the  similar  develop- 
ments of  other  Indo-European  languages  and  the  establishment  of 
the  facts  of  Syncretism.  I  have,  in  accordance  with  this  Indo- 
European  development,  constructed  a  similar  scheme,  deriving 
those  of  the  Gothic  dative-agents  that  may  not  be  classified  with 
the  idea  of  personal  interest,  from  an  original  sociative  instrumental, 
thru  the  media  of  material  means  and  personified  agents.^ 

{a)  There  is  not  a  single  example  in  Gothic  of  what  we  have 
called  the  free  comitative,  since,  altho  in  Pre-Germanic  it  surely 
must  have  been  in  use  with  verbs  of  motion  like  ^ijjdm^  it  had 
gradually  come  to  be  displaced  by  the  competing  preposition  mif>. 
Then,  as  van  der  Meer,  p.  loi,  aptly  remarks,  "  dergelijke  geval- 
len  komen  ook  niet  voor  in  den  Griekschen  grondtekst."  The 
Gothic  thus  cannot  duplicate  Ags.  folce  gestepte,  '  he  proceeded  with 
an  army.'  This  is  Winkler's  reason,  the  lack  of  comitatives  and  of 
distinct  instrumental  forms  in  Gothic  as  against  Ags.,  for  deriving 
the  Got.  instrumental  function  from  that  all-embracing  case,  the 

1  Winkler,  op.  cit.  p.  8i. 

2  Delbriick  in  Vgl.  Synt.  I.  §  123  totally  disregards  the  possibility  of  such  a 
gradation  in  the  Germanic  field;  in  Synkretismus^  §  23,  however,  he  seems  to 
favor  it. 

8  Cf.  Synkretismus,  §  19. 


94 

dative,  whereas  in  the  instance  of  Ags.  he  allows  for  it  a  comitative 
descent ;   Germ.  Cas.  p.  82,  90,  etc. 

(b)  Numerous  examples  are  found  of  the  material  instrumental/ 
e.g. 

Jh.  19,  2  wasijai  paurpurodai  gawasidedun  ina,  attested  by  the 
pronominal  form  in  Mt.  6,  25  he  wasjai/f,  tl  iv8va-qa-9e.  With  a 
passive  verb,  Lk.  8,  28  bundans  was  eisarnabandjom,  iSea-fxelTo  d\v- 
a-ea-iv ;  cf.  §  7 1^.  The  Document  of  Naples  contains  ufmelida  handau 
meinai  four  times  in  a  formulistic  way.  Gaumjan  appears  but  once 
with  the  instrumental,  Jh.  12, 40  augam;  the  assumption  of  a  similar 
inst.  of  means  with  saihan  is  justified  by  ON.  ef  ek  hann  sjonom 
ofsek,  Hgv.  151,  and  Ags.  eagum  segun,  Cri.  536. 

(/)  The  means  employed,  however,  could  represent  not  only  a 
material  object  but  also  a  spiritual  something,  an  event,  a  circum- 
stance, an  abstraction.  Thus,  the  common  haitan  namin,  ovofmn, 
as  Ags.  sume  worde  hef,  OHG.  thaz  hiazi  er  to  then  worton.  So 
daupau  afdaupjaidau,  Mk,  7,  10  ^avaro)  TeXevraro) ;  cf.  also  Lk.  7, 
29  and  Mk.  10,  38. 

(d)  In  Mk.  10,  38,  daupeinai  f>haiei  ik  daupjada,  the  dat.-inst. 
is  seen  with  a  passive  verb,  and,  in  fact,  denotes  both  the  means 
and  the  agent,  Brugmann's  Potenz  {Grdr?  II.  527)  of  the  action. 
The  next  and  penultimate  stage  in  this  evolution  of  means  to 
agency  would  be  instances  like  2  Tim.  3,  6  f>oei  tiuhanda  lustum, 
dyofxeva  iTriOvixuiL^  TTotKt'Axtts ;  Gal.  5,  18  jabai  ahmin  tiuhanda^  ci 
irvev/xart  ayeo-^e ;  Eph.  4,  14  uswagidai  jah  usflaugidai  winda  Jvam- 
meh,  ttovtI  d/x-c/Ao);  Eph.  i,  13  gasiglidai  waurfiu/^  ahmin  gahatfis, 
Tw  TTveofwTi  T^s  cTTayyeAuxs  ;  Lk.  4,  38  was  anahabaida  brinnon  miki- 
lai,  rjv  (Tvvexpixevrj  irvpcTw  ixeydX(o,  etc.  etc.,  where  Gothic  and  Greek 
alike  leave  no  doubt  as  to  the  agent  of  the  action,  which  is  no 
more  tangible  than  abstract  human  agency,  but  is  as  much  felt  in 
its  results  as  any  ordinary  instrument  or  tool  of  action.  In  fact, 
to  have  an  instrumental  of  agency  in  Gothic  —  as  apart  from  the 
dative-agent  <  dat.  commodi  —  would  be  no  more  inconsistent  with 
the  genius  of  the  language  than  to  have  a  dative  of  instrument,  the 
former  by  its  very  nature  being  but  the  latter  in  a  transferred, 
quasi-demateriaHzed,  and  then  personalized  sense,  to  denote  the 
subject-in-action  as  against  the  subject-in-inaction. 

1  Cf.  Vg/.  Synt.  I.  §  107  ff.;  Synkret.  §  22  ff.;  Winkler,  Germ.  Cas.  p.  100  flf.; 
van  der  Meer,  §  81  ff.;  Piper,  26  ff. 


95 

§  1 23.  In  the  light  of  the  foregoing  —  designed  partly  to  counter- 
act the  tendency  of  ascribing  all  of  Wulfila's  agreement  with  his 
prototype  to  mere  imitation  —  the  second  difficulty,  reference  to 
which  has  been  made  in  the  introductory  remarks  of  this  section, 
may  be  easily  removed.  For,  by  that  same  argumentum  ex  silentio 
which,  with  perfect  justification,  has  heretofore  been  applied  to 
quantitatively  unsatisfactory  Gothic,  the  lack  of  sufficient  instances 
of  a  dative-instrumental  of  agency  ought  not  to  preclude  the  possi- 
bility of  its  existence  in  that  language.  Delbrtick,  to  cite  but  one 
example  of  such  reasoning  {Synkretismus,  p.  240),  acutely  observes 
that,  judging  by  the  testimony  of  kindred  Germanic  dialects,  the 
comitative  must  undoubtedly  have  been  in  use  in  Pre-Germanic. 
That,  however,  it  is  absent  from  Gothic  should  not  be  used  as  an 
argument  against  its  ever  having  existed  in  Gothic.  As  it  happens, 
Wulfila's  Greek  text  is  equally  devoid  of  this  construction.  This 
lack,  then,  is  a  mere  accident,  due  to  the  limited  amount  and  the 
peculiar  quality  of  the  literature  at  our  command.  "Hatten  wir 
ein  Epos,  so  wurde  darin  auch  wohl  der  Furst  *  mit  grossem  Ge- 
folge  '  auftreten  und  dieses  letztere  im  Komitativ  stehen."  Accord- 
ingly, we  cannot  persuade  ourselves,  in  possession  if  not  of  conclu- 
sive direct,  yet,  at  least,  of  highly  significant  collateral,  testimony  on 
the  part  of  related  languages,  either  to  deny  the  existence  of  a  dat- 
inst.  of  agency  in  Gothic,  or  to  rest  content  with  a  verdict  of  igno- 
ramus concerning  it.  Scarcity  does  not  mean  absence.  In  our 
case  we  simply  must  deplore  the  lack  of  further  indisputable 
evidence. 

Anglo-Saxon.  §  124.  The  trouble  Delbriick  complains  of  {Syn- 
kretismus,  §  73)  in  connection  with  the  Gothic  dative-agent,  in  that 
it  always  corresponds  to  a  Greek  dative  and  thus  renders  it  difficult 
to  grasp  both  its  Germanic  character  and  its  original  force,  should 
partly  be  removed  by  the  fact  that  a  similar  construction,  even  tho 
not  abundantly  exemplified  because  of  analytic  tendencies,  occurs 
in  early  Anglo-Saxon  also.  The  present  investigation  has  restricted 
itself  of  necessity  to  the  poetical  works  in  this  language,  "  was  — 
to  say  with  Synkretismus,  Einl.  p.  i  —  wegen  ihrer  altertiimlicheren 
Ausdrucksweise  gerechtfertigt  war." 

§  125.  Little  attention  has  been  given  to  this  phase  of  Ags. 
syntax.  What  we  have  consists  practically  of  short  notices  in  syo.- 
tactical  compendia  to  Readers,  like  Baskervill  and  Harrison,  1898, 
p.  51,  or  Sweet,  6th  ed.  1888,  p.  87.     Kress,  Ueber  den  Gebrauch  des 


96 

Inst,  in  der  ags.  Poesie,  1864,  neglects  to  mention  it,  as  does  also 
Nader  in  his  Dativ  und  Instrumental  im  Beowulf}  For  Caedmon, 
Hofer  accords  it  a  place,  but  not  satisfactorily.^ 

§  126.  Beowulf.  —  This  earliest  epic  in  any  Germanic  tongue 
is  remarkable  in  that  it  contains,  besides  prepositional  turns,  a  very 
rich  abundance  of  such  prepositionless  datives  as  go  back  to 
former  locatives,  ablatives,  and  instrumentals  more  often  absolutely 
reducible  than  not.  A  special  form  for  the  inst.  exists  only  in  the 
sg.  masc.  and  neut.  of  certain  adjectives  and  pronouns  as  well  as 
of  the  present  participles,  but  its  functional  fusion  with  the  dative 
is  evident  also  from  instances  where  the  latter,  tho  different  in  form 
from  the  inst.,  is  employed  to  express  the  function  of  means.  This 
dat.-inst.  is  found  in  all  functions  germane  to  our  discussion.'  Ex- 
amples are  not  at  all  infrequent  of  pure  concomitation  with  verbs 
of  motion,  like  cuman^faran,  ge-l^dan  etc.,  as  923  tryddode  getrume 
micle ;  so  cordrum  micluniy  cordre,  heapum,  herge,  folce  etc.  Tran- 
sitional types  are  present,  as  2936  bescet  sinherge  sweorda  lafe^  *■  sur- 
rounded with  an  army  those  that  had  escaped  the  swords.'  The 
inst.  of  means  is  again  unlimited  in  application  —  persons  are  also 
used  as  means,  1018  Heorot  innan  wees  freondum  dfylkd — and 
is  found  likewise  with  passive  expressions,  406,  2087  slowed  smuSes 
orf>ancum ;  775  iren-bendum  besmi'dod.  More  personal  instances 
are  217  winde  gefysed ;  21 12  eldo  gebunden  ;  3073  wommum  gew'it- 
nad  etc.  Very  near  the  actual  agent  is  such  a  ^ potential  example 
as  991-2  f>a  wees  handum — foltnum  gefrcetwod,  or  31 17  panne  str^la 
storm  strengum  geb^ded^  '  von  den  sehnen  geschnellt.' 

§  127.  The  idea  of  agency  itself,  as  relating  to  persons,  is  rare 
in  Beowulf,  /furh  is  not  yet  found  in  this  sense,  fram  has  only  a 
locatival  signification,  as  1.  no.  Passive  expressions  are  frequent 
enough,  but  the  terseness  of  the  style  seems  easily  able  to  dispense 
with  such  defining  elements  as  agency  offers.  The  following  ex- 
amples have  been  selected  for  discussion.^ 

§  128.  1.  12  J7^m  eafera  waes  aefter  cenned  geong  in  geardum  — 
Heyne-Schiicking  (HS.)  :  '  dem  wurde  ein  Sohn  geboren.'    A  simi- 

1  Reviewed  in  Eng.  Stud.  VII.  368. 

2  Der  synt.  Gebrauch  des  Dativs  und  Instrumentals" in  den  Ccedmon  beigeleg- 
ten  Dichtungen,  Diss.  Leipzig,  1884,  and  also  in  Anglia,  Vlt.  355. 

3  The  tenth  Heyne-Socin-Schiicking  edition  oiBeowulf,  Paderborn,  1913,  is  used. 
*  For  others  of  the  above  types  I  must  refer  to  Winkler,  Germ.  Cas.  p.  448  ff.; 

Nader,  op.  cit.;  Synkret.  §  19  ff. 


97 

lar  instance  is  1. 1357  hwcederhim  ^nigwces  ^r  acenned dyrnra gasta^ 
for  which  cf.  Winkler,  p.  379.  These  lines  bring  up  the  question 
as  to  whether  verbs  of  procreating,  erzeugen,  must  be  taken  intran- 
sitively when  in  the  passive.  That  there  cannot  be  laid  down  an 
absolute  rule  governing  the  thought  of  all  Indo-European  languages 
need  not  be  emphasized.  However,  consider  Sanskrit  which  per- 
mits two  points  of  view,  ablatival,  RV.  i,  123,  9  sukra  krsnad 
ajanista,  '  out  of  the  darkness  born,'  and  the  other  instrumental,  of 
authorship,  sdhasa  yo  mathito  jayate  nfbhih^  '  begotten  by  men  ' ;  so 
RF.  2,  25,  I.  Avestanhas  ablative,  cf.  V.  2,41  (Reichelt,  §  475  ; 
Hiibschmann,  p.  234);  so  the  Latin,  Telamone  creatus^  Ov.  Met. 
13,  22  ;  similarly  Greek  by  means  of  an  ablatival  genitive,  o  Atos 
iieyivovTo,  E  637.  However,  Slavic,  again,  uses  the  instrumental 
for  the  agent,  in  contradistinction  to  material  origin  which  is  in 
abl.-gen.  (cf.  for  latter,  Vondrdk,  II.  334),  so  Mt.  11,  11  vb  rozde- 
nychi>  zenami,  iv  y^w-qroh  ywatKw  (Miklosich,  IV.  704).  For  the 
Germanic,  where  datives  represent  both  ablatives  and  instrumen- 
tals,  either  of  the  last  two  cases  is  permissible,^  the  former  being  safest 
in  expressions  of  ongin,  as  OHG.  sie  sin  Alexanders  siahiu.  Gothic 
has  no  examples  at  all.'^  The  Old  Norse  correspondences  will  be 
enumerated  in  the  next  division,  cf.  §  146  ;  it  is  premised,  however, 
that  Grp.  3, 3  borinn  Sigmundi,  is  not  to  be  rendered  simply  by  '  born 
to  S. '  because  of  Hdl.  25,3  bornirfrd  Jgrmunreki.  That  in  the  Ags. 
we  have  to  do  with  agency  and  not  interest,  is  evidenced  by  the 
later  more  precise  parallels,  El.  775  sl-'de  on  rode  wees  ond  f>urh 
Marian  in  middangeard  acenned  weard ;  Blick.  Horn.  ^1,24.  se  ilea 
sunu  wcBs  Er  eallum  tldum  acenned  f ram  God  Feeder,  se  yElmihtiga 
frompon  ^Imihtigan;  so  59,  25  ;  93,  28  ;  167,  20.  For  ^Ifric,  who 
uses  ^instead  oifram^  ci.  I.  10,  2,  M  ure  heelend crist  acenned  wees 
of  peem  halgan  meedene  marian  ;  so  14,  75  etc.  For  the  Bible  Jh.  3,  6, 
peet  pe  of  gaste  is  acenned.  Of  course,  in  Beowulf  we  cannot  as  yet 
expect  such  prepositions,  but  it  is  safe  to  conceive  of  an  unaltered 
and  uniform  mode  of  thought  thruout.  As  to  1.  1357,  Trautmann's 
emendation  ^  of  it  as  hweeper  hie  anig  hafap  ^r  acenned,  '  ob  sie,  die 
ungeheuer,  irgend  einer  friiher  erzeugt  hat  der  finstern  geister,'  is 

1  ALL  p.  13  ;   Synkretismusy  §  23. 

2  Cf.  Grimm,  IV.  714  to  Mt.  i,  16  and  Jh.  i,  13. 

*  Fischer,  Der  synt.    Gebrauch  der  Partikeln   of  und  from   in  ^elfric's 
Heiligenleben  etc.,   1908. 

*  Bonner  Beitr'dge  zur  Anglistiky  XVI.  76. 


unnecessary.  Ten  Brink's  interpretation^  is  more  satisfactory, 
"  den  hatten  die  Erdbewohner  Grendel  gennant ;  man  wisse  nicht, 
ob  sein  Vater  vor  ihm  schon  irgend  einen  andern  im  Dunkel  hau- 
senden  Geist  gezeugt  habe,"  but  Schiicking's  translation  in  ed.  lo, 
s.v.  a-cennan,  is  different.     For  the  construction  cf.  1.  1180. 

§  129.  I  am  inclined  to  render  1.  646,  wiste  J7am  ahlaecan 
hilde  gej^inged,  because  of  the  context,  as  '  he  knew  that  a  fight  was 
contemplated  by  the  monster.'     Hrot5gar  left  the  hall  not  because 

*  er  wusste  dem  scheusal  im  hochsale  kampf  bestimmt '  by  his  own 
followers,  but  because  he  knew  that  Grendel  calculated  to  appear 
sid^an  hie  sunnan  leoht  geseon  ne-meahton.  On  the  other  hand,  a 
translation  like  '  he  knew  that  a  fight  was  appointed  unto  the  mon- 
ster,' by  Fate,  that  is,  is  fully  in  accord  with  the  Anglo-Saxon  con- 
ception of  such  occurrences. 

§  130.  1.  1068  Finnes  eaferan  haelea  Healf-Dena  feallan  scolde 
—  Zupitza's  Autotype,  p.  50,  shows  eaferum,  but  eaferan  is  ac- 
cepted by  Klaeber'^  following  Trautmann.^  If,  with  Wiilker, 
Wyatt,  Garnett,  Hall,  Tinker  and  Child,  we  do  not  follow  Klaeber- 
Trautmann  in  making  1.  1068  the  end  of  the  sentence,  but  con- 
sider it  the  beginning  of  the  Finn-song,  we  can  retain  the  MS. 
reading:  'thru  [the  instrumentality  of]  Finn's  sons  was  Hnaef 
destined  to  fall.'  This  would  obviate  the  change  of  healgamen^ 
to  heal-guma,  '  a  hall-man,'  and  the  sense  of  the  passage  ends  suit- 
ably with   mcsnan,  of  which  the   subject   is   kea/gamen,  meaning 

*  when  HrotSgar's  bard  was  to  proclaim  joy  in  the  hall  along  the 
mead-bench,'  Clark  Hall.  This  would  also  eliminate  Thorpe's 
de  and  Socin^s  /ram, — the  latter  I  cannot  accept  because  in  no 
other  place  in  Beowulf  would  /ram  be  found  thus  used,  —  which 
disturb  the  meter,  and  would  still  allow  ea/erum  to  be  taken  in  the 
same  sense,  as  a  dative-instrumental  of  agency.  The  resulting  begin- 
ning with  1. 1068  of  the  song,  so  taken  also  by  Holthausen  and  Sedge- 
field,  in  no  wise  alters  the  rationale  of  the  otherwise  obscure  episode. 

§  131.  1.  1151  ]7a  waes  heal  hroden  feonda  feorum.  In  its  un- 
changed form,  cf.  Zupitza,  it  has  but  one  meaning,  '  then  was  the 
hall  strewn  with  the  foemen's  corpses,'  i.e.  /eorum  is  a  dat.-inst.  of 
means.  But  this  is  not  in  harmony  with  the  context.  Bugge's 
correction  roden^  '  reddened,'  recommended  also  by  Sievers,®  Rie- 

1  Beowulf,  1888,  p.  95.  2  Anglia,  28,  443. 

*  Bonn.  Beitr.  II.  183.  *  Made  by  Trautmann,  Bonn.  Beitr.  II.  183. 

6  Tidskr.for  Phil,  og  Paed.  VIII.  64,  295.  «  PBB.  IX.  139. 


9d 

ger,*  and  Gering,^  is  altogether  correct  despite  its  non-acceptance 
by  Wiilker,  Socin  and  Wyatt.  Schucking's  tenth  edition  adopts 
roden  and  translates  the  passage,  "  da  war  die  Halle  rot  von  er- 
schlagenen  Feinden  "  and  "  von  der  Feinde  Leichen  gerotet,"  pp. 
189  and  257.  The  rendering  of  either  '  the  hall  was  adorned  with 
corpses  '  or  '  the  hall  was  covered  with  corpses  '  is  inadmissible  in 
the  place.  Trautmann '  effects  even  a  further  change  into  D5  wees 
heal  stro den  feonda  foicum,*  and  Barnow^  to  an  impossible  fia  wees 
heakroda,  feond  afeorred.  Holthausen's  suggestion®  that  since 
feorum  cannot  here  denote  '  corpses,'  it  is  miswritten  for  dreore^  as 
1.  447  d.  fdhne,  is  really  beside  the  mark.  Add  also  Holtzmann, 
Germania,  8,  492.  Whether  we  adopt  Bugge's  view  and  translate 
with  Klaeber^  'the  hall  was  made  red  by  living  beings,'  as  in 
Exod.  384,  or  Trautmann's  emendation  into  '  darauf  ward  die 
halle  gepliindert  von  den  haufen  der  feinde,'  we  have  a  dative-agent 
in  both  ^feorum '  and  '■fokum,^  with  more  instrumental  force  in  the 
MS.  form. 

§  132.  Trautmann's  conception  of  1.  11 03  as  ]7a  him  swa  ge- 
peahtod  [not  HS.  ge]7earfod]  waes  would  give  the  translation  '  then 
it  was  decided  by  them  '  but  this  is  undoubtedly  too  bold.  —  Gu. 
1274  husle  gereorded^  '  eucharistiae  recreatus ' ;  And.  385  pa  he 
gereorded  wees,  'cum  cibo  refectus  erat'  (Bouterwek,  115)  and  the 
meaning  given  gereordian  in  ^Ifr.  Gram.  26  '  prandeo,'  *  vescor,' 
ill  agree  with  the  HS.  rendering  of  1.  1787,  J^a  waes  eft  swa  »r 
ellen-rofum  flet-sittendum  faegere  gereorded,  as  'da  ward  wie 
vorher  den  Saalsitzenden  das  Mai  gereicht.'  The  meaning  is 
rather,  'there  was  suitable  feasting  by  the  strength-renowned 
heroes,  the  hall-company  '  —  1.  1696  hwam  J^aet  sweord  geworht  .  . 
arest  waere  —  cannot,  on  the  one  hand,  be  taken  as  an  instance 
of  agency,  even  tho  the  maker's  name  does  appear  as  on  the 
oft-quoted  horn  of  Gallehus  ^  ek  hlewa^yastiR.  holtinaR.  horna  ta- 
wi'do,  because  of  the  presence  in  the  sentence  of  arest,  if,  that 
is,  the  signification  '  at  first '  is  to  be  attached  to  this  word.  If, 
on  the  other  hand,  ^rest  is  to  mean  '  in  olden  times '  as  in 
1.   5    of   Caedmon's   Hymnus   ^^  he  mrest   sceop  eordan   dearnum^^^ 

1  lacker's  Zs.  3,  404.  2  /^^-^  ^2,  124. 

'  Bonn.  Beitr.  16,  65.  *  In  Bonn.  Beitr.  2,  190,  he  suggests /^rww. 

6  Textkritische  Untersuchungen^  1902,  p.  232. 

6  Zacher's  Zs.  37,  Il6.  '''  An^lia,  28,  445. 

8  Cf.  Noreen,  Altisl.  u.  altnor.  Gram.  1892,  p.  257  ff. 


100 

and    elsewhere,    then    hwam    may    be    accepted    as    a   case    in 
point. 

§  133.  1.  2035  ]7onne  he  mid  faemnan  on  flett  g^3,  dryht-bearn 
Dena  duguSa  biweneSe  —  HS.  would  make  of  duguda  an  ace.  pi. 
"  wahrend  ein  edler  Spross  der  Danen  die  Ritter  bewirtete."  For 
other  interpretations  cf.  Kluge  FBB.  9,  190  if. ;  Rieger  in  Zacher^s 
Zs.  3,  404  makes  it  an  instrumental  genitive,  'beneficiis  adsuefac- 
tus';  Bugge,  FBB.  12,  98  accepts  Grein's  duguda  bi  werede^  'in 
der  Hoflinge  Schaar ' ;  Holthausen,  in  Zacher's  Zs.  37,  119,  is  for 
dugude  bi  werede^  dugude  being  a  genitive  dependent  on  werede  = 
werode.  Thorpe's  dugude  bipenede,  'by  the  noble  served,'  is  near- 
est of  all  to  the  sense  of  the  passage ;  but,  perhaps,  Trautmann's 
rendering  of  the  obscure  word  in  the  MS.  as  beweotede  is  a  better 
transliteration,^  and  the  change  of  the  agent  to  dugudum  is  also 
more  desirable,  hence 

"  wenn  er  mit  der  frau  in  die  halle  geht,  mit  der 
edelmaid^  der  Danen,  der  von  ihren  degen  bedienten."' 

Finally,  if  we  accept  Sedgefield's  text,  even  Trautmann's  bold 
correction  may  be  avoided,  "  From  what  follows  it  is  evident  that 
the  young  Danish  bride  is  accompanied  to  her  new  home  by  a 
band  of  her  father's  thanes,  dugude  biwenede,''^  p.  173,  and  the  fol- 
lower referred  to  wears  the  captured  Heathobard  sword.  Klae- 
ber's  equation  of  he  with  dryhtbearn  is  unconvincing,  both  because 
it  leaves  Dena  unattached  and  because  it  would  make  a  Danish 
warrior  of  Ingeld. 

§  134.  1.  2435  "^^s  ^^^^  yldestan  mieges  dadum  moriSorbed 
stred,  shows  the  passive  verb  with  both  a  dat.  incommodi  and  a 
dat.-inst.  of  the  potential  agent:  m^ges  dcedum  is  tantamount  to 
m^ge.  Rieger's  *  change  of  stred  to  styred  on  stylistic  grounds  is 
unwarranted.  —  A  similar  clear  case  of  a  dat-inst.  of  agency  is  1. 
2842,  Biowulfe  wears  dryht-maSma  dsel  deaSe  forgolden,  'by  B 
his  share  of  lordly  treasures  was  paid  for  with  death.'  So  Traut- 
mann's 'Von  B.  wurden  bezahlt.' 

§  135.  1.  2957  }?a  waes  aeht  boden  Sweona  leodum,  segn  Higelace. 
Trautmann  changes  ceht  to  cefst,  Klaeber  J/Z^.  20,  85  disagreeing, 
to  mean  '  then  was  disaster  bidden  to  the  folk  of  Swedes,  good  for- 

1  Bonn.  Bntr.  16,  114.  ^  Noble  descendant. 

8  Cf.  besides  Wyatt,  adloc.  p.  86;  Eng.  Stud.  39,  464  f.  and  Klaeber  in  Mod. 
Phil.  3,  255.  *  Zacher's  Zs.  3,  409. 


101 

tune  to  Hygelac'  Sievers'  substitution,  PBB.  9,  143,  of  sacc  Hy- 
gelaces  for  segn  \_Hygelace\  proposed  by  Bugge,  Tidskr.  8,  61,  is 
not  accepted  by  the  latter  in  PBB.  12,  108,  tho  it  would  harmonize 
better  with  cRht,  cf.  Klaeber,  Mod,  Phil.  3,  240.  Schroer,  Anglia, 
13,  346  ff.,  points  out  that  ^^/ occurs  nowhere  else  in  the  sense  of 
'  Verfolgung '  given  to  it  in  this  passage  by  Sievers  and  insists  on 
its  real  meaning  '  possession,  treasure  '  =  '  hord '  two  lines  before. 
The  meaning  of  the  whole  passage  would  suffer  if  this  were  accepted. 
Bugge's  opinion,  PBB.  12,  18,  that  segn  Hygeldces  is  in  the  same 
construction  as  ^ht^  therefore  *  then  chase  was  offered  to  the  Swed- 
ish folk,  the  banner  of  H.  raised,'  —  "  Das  erhobene  Banner  ist  das 
Merkmal  der  Verfolgung  "  as  in  Hdrbar^sljod  40  ek  vark  i  hemum, 
er  hingat g0rdisk  gncefa  gunnfana  geir  at  rjo'da  —  which  would  leave 
as  the  subject  of  ofereodon  the  Swedes,  understood  —  so,  too,  Sie- 
vers, PBB,  9,  143  —  has  been  neglected  as  to  the  second  part  by 
Holthausen,  who  makes  segn  the  subject  of  that  verb,  *  the  banners 
of  H.  overran  the  fastness.'  I  propose  a  modification  of  Schroer's 
view  of  a  tentative  compromise  before  the  battle,  '"wces  ceht  boden^^ 
and  translate  not  as  he  '  then  was  the  treasure  of  the  Swedish  folk, 
their  banner  offered  to  H.,  as  a  ransom,'  but  'then  was  treasure 
offered  by  the  Swedish  folk,  their  banner  to  Hygelac.'*  This  ren- 
dition has  the  following  advantages  : 

(a)  It  obviates  Sievers'  change  of  MS.  Hygeldce  to  Hygeldces; 

(J?)   It  obviates  Schroer's  change  of  MS.  leodu{m)  to  leoda; 

(c)  It  retains  the  original  and  only  meaning  of  ^ht^  i.e.  <  dgan, 
to  possess ; 

(^)  It  makes  unnecessary  Trautmann's  cefst  for  MS.  aht.  The 
subject  of  ofereodun  would  be  as  in  Sievers-Bugge  above;  leodum 
an  instance  of  the  dat.-inst.  of  agency. 

§  136.  In  conclusion  I  would  Hke  to  draw  attention  to  1.  2983 
J?a  him  gerymed  wear3  and  1.  3088  J^a  me  gerymed  waes,  as  being, 
at  least  in  the  former,  amenable  to  an  interpretation  involving  the 
original  signification  oi  geryman^  as  in  1086  pcet  Kie  him  oder  fiet  eal 
getymdon, '  to  clear,  open.'  So^very  often  :  ic  him  Itfes  weg gerymde, 
El.  1249 ;  se  weg  bif>  us  gerymed^  An,  1582,  etc.  If  now  1.  2983  is 
considered  in  this  light,  a  translation  '  when  the  power  over  the 
battle-field  had  been  allowed  them '  is  wholly  unnecessary,  because 

1  For  the  banner  offered  to  H.,  tho  in  a  different  sense,  cf.  Cosijn,  Aanteek- 
ningen  op  den  B.y  1891,  ad  loc. 


102 

of  the  alternative  of  a  more  literal '  raised  him  quickly  up  when  the 
place  was  cleared  by  them  so  that  they  could  control  the  battle-field.* 
This  brings  to  a  close  the  list  of  examples  in  Beowulf. 

§  137.  With  the  remark  that  most,  if  not  all,  of  the  emendations 
offered  or  adopted  above  are  absolutely  necessary,  in  view  of  the 
deplorably  inaccurate  condition  of  the  MS.  —  "  B.  may,  I  believe, 
be  conscientiously  pronounced  the  worst,"  Thorpe  —  and  of  its 
often  one-sided  interpretation,  we  pass  on  to  the  real  and  alleged 
Caedmon  whose  Hymn  is  placed  by  Trautmann  chronologically  in 
line  after  Beowulf,  at  c.  600-700.^  The  question  of  authorship,  of 
course,  in  a  purely  linguistic  study  of  given  texts,  is  of  no  impor- 
tance whatsoever;  reference  may  be  made,  however,  to  Korting, 
Grdr.  d.  Geschichte  d.  engl.  Literatur,  1905,  p.  42  if.,  and  p.  357  ff. 
of  Bethge's  Ergebnisse  und  Fortschritte  d.  germanist  Wissenschaft 
im  lehten  Vierteljh.,  Leipzig,  1902. 

§  138.  As  against  Cynewulf,  the  next  author  to  be  considered, 
C^DMON  ^  still  possesses  a  prepositionless  dat.-inst.  to  express  con- 
comitation,  as  Gen.  1798  drihiweras  dugudum  geforan ;  Gen.  2454 
hie  behcefdon  herges  mcegne  Loth,  etc.,  tho  that  same  prepositional 
competition  seen  in  Beow,  11 28  mid  Finne,  so  1.  242-3,  is  making 
a  greater  headway  here,  e.g.  Ex.  501  Faraon  mid  his  f oleum;  so 
Dan.  67,  Sat.  203,  Jud.  170.  The  prepositionless  dat.-inst.  of 
means  is  also  present.  Gen.  2550,  and  persons  are  likewise  used  as 
means,  Gen.  95,  1655.  Impersonal  agents  with  passives  are  also 
frequent,  as  Gen.  1293  synnum  gehladene ;  Dan.  295  lige  belegde. 
Entirely  in  the  sense  of  Brugmann's  Potenz  is  Dan.  277  deaw-dnas 
weorded  winde  geondsdwen^  or  Dan.  406  f>u  gebletsad  eart  Hdlgum 
mihtum. 

§  139.  The  following  examples  have  been  found  for  the  dat.-inst. 
of  agency : 

1  Cf.  Trautmann,  Bonn.  Beitr.  I.  121.  Caedmon,  it  is  true,  died  in  the  last 
quarter  of  the  7th  century,  but  then  the  redaction  of  Beowulf  \%  much  later  than 
the  poem  itself,  altho  L.  Morsbach  "  Z«r  Datierung  des  Beowulfepos^^  {Nachr. 
d.  Gottinger  Ges.  d.  Wiss.j  pkil.-histor.  Klasse,  1906,  p.  251  ff.)  sets  the  date  of 
Beowulf  zs  late  as  700-730,  therefore  about  three  hundred  years  before  the  MS. 
Cf.  also  A.  Brandl,  Geschichte  der  ae.  Literatur,  Pauls  Grdr?  II.  991. 

2  No  distinction  as  to  genuine  and  spurious  works  is  attempted  here,  entirely 
aside,  of  course,  from  the  question  as  to  Caedmon's  real  authorship  of  any  of  the 
poems.  For  dissertations,  cf.  those  of  Hofer,  Oldenburg,  Kempf,  Dethloff,  and 
Meyer  on  various  syntactical  points.  All  available  editions  have  been  drawn 
upon. 


103 

Gen.  1 765  fro mcynn efolde  weorded ptne gefylled ; 

Gen.  1967  pa  wees  gudhergum  be  Jordane  wera  Welland geondsen- 

ded,  folde  feondum; 
Gen.  1999  gewitonfeorh  heora  .  .  .  fieame  nergan,  secgum  ofslegene; 
Sat.  ^^^  pa  wees  on  eordan  Ice  drihtenfolgadf  oleum  ; 
Dan.  92  metode geeorene^  150  se  wees  drihtne  gecoren ; 

so  736 ;  Jul.  604  etc. ;  to  be  so  taken  because  of  the  intent  evi- 
denced by  the  later  use  of  ''fram  '  [as  Blickl.  Horn.  187,  20  ''gecoren 
weerefram  gode^  etc.]  which  here  is  used  only  locally,  cf.  Kempf, 
p.  37  ;  Dethloff,  p.  57  ;  Meyer,  p.  12.  Other  examples  are  not  as 
clearly  definable.  Hofer  {op.  cit.  p.  40  f .)  approximates  what  seems 
to  be  the  truth  when,  in  speaking  of  the  dat.-inst.  of  means  he  re- 
marks, "  wird  .  .  .  die  aktive  konstruktion  in  die  passive  verwan- 
delt,  so  hat  man  zwei  falle  von  einander  zu  scheiden :  Entweder 
das  handelnde  subjekt  des  aktiven  satzes  wird  auch  im  passiven 
erwahnt,  oder  es  kommt  im  wegf all.  Im  ersten  falle  bezeichnet  auch 
bei  passivem  verb  der  vorhandene  dat.-instr.  dasjenige  mittel,  durch 
welches  vom  logischen,  handelnden  subjekte,  —  italics  mine,  —  als  dem 
ausgangspunkte,  die  tatigkeit  des  verbums  auf  das  leidende  subjekt, 
als  den  zielpunkt,  tibertragen  imd  ausgefiihrt  wird.  1st  dagegen 
die  letztere  bedingung  erfiillt,  so  erscheint  das  friihere  mittel  im  dat.- 
instr.  jetzt  als  veranlassende  ursache."  If  we  add  that  besides  and 
beyond  this  '  Potenz '  that  same  acting  subject  itself  may,  and  in 
Beowulf  and  Ceedmon  exclusively  does,  occur  in  the  dat.-inst.,  his 
statement  is  more  correct  and  complete. 

§  140.  After  Caedmon  the  tendency  in  poetry  is  entirely  toward 
the  analytical.  While,  for  instance  in  the  Riddles,  which  Sievers  ^ 
assigns  to  the  first  half  of  the  eighth  century ,2  occurs  but  one  doubtful 
example  of  the  dat.-inst.  of  agency,  ed.  Grein  xxi.  20  ne  weorpe'd  sio 
mEgburg gemicledu  eaforan  minum,  that  is,  if  the  sense  'be  mag- 
nified by  my  posterity '  can  stand,  in  the  contemporary  Cynewulf^ 
this  is  unknown.     So  in  Elene,  a  typical  poem,  all  personal  author- 

1  Anglia,  13,  I  ff. 

2  So  Tupper,  The  Riddles  of  the  Exeter  Book,  Albion  Series,  pp.  Iviii  and  Ixxix. 

3  Both  his  signed  ^oems,  Juliana,  Christ,  Elene,  The  Fates  of  the  Apostles,  and 
those  attributed  to  him,  Andreas,  Guthlac,  Phoenix  and  Dream  of  the  Rood,  have 
been  read  according  to  various  editions.  For  a  discussion  of  authorship,  date  etc. 
cf.  A.  Brandl  in  Pauls  GrdrJ^  II.  1040  ff.;  C.  W.  Kennedy,  The  Poems  of 
Cynewulf,  Lond.  19 10;  Korting,  Grdr.^  p.  49  fF.;  Bethge's  Ergebnisse,  p.  364  ff.; 
Bonn.  Beitrdge,  I.  and  XXIV.  for  bibliography  up  to  1908. 


104 

ship  is  expressed  by  the  preposition  purh}-  which  in  Caedmon  was 
not  found  in  such  use.^     So 

EL  TT^   se-de  on   rode  wees  ond  f>urh  Marian   in   tniddangeard 

acenned  weard  in  cildes  had; 
840  pa  wees  hige  onhyrded  purh  p(2t  haiigg  treo  ; 
1058  purh  gdstes  gife  gecorenne,  should  throw  a  light  on  Dan.  92, 

150.  736: 
1 1 53  wees  se  witedom  purhfymwitan  sungen  etc.  in  spite  of  turns 

like 
1243  ic  wees  weorcum  fdh^  synnum  as^led,  sorgum  geweeledy  bitre 

gebunden,  bisgum  beprungen,  cf.  also  1264. 

§  141.  *■  Fram  '  is  not  yet  used  for  denoting  the  personal  agent, 
despite  Kent's  glossary,  ed.  1899  of  Elene :  1.  701  is  simple  means ; 
1.  1 141  is  purely  locative  and  1.  190  swa  fram  Siluestre  larde 
w^ron^  while  undoubtedly  auctorial  in  intent,  permits  the  locative 
force  to  be  still  distinctly  felt,  cf.  German  '  von  seiten.^  Analytic 
uses,  however,  as  such  are  quite  common ;  mid  is  employed  with 
both  datival  and  instrumental  forms  to  express  not  only  comitation 
but  pure  means.  Andreas,  a  work  much  influenced  by  Beowulf, 
was  examined  for  statistics  of  the  notation  of  means,  —  in  Beowulf 
regularly  prepositionless.  The  result:  166  instances  of  pure  da- 
tival or  instrumental  form,  in  the  broadest  sense,  including  manifold 
repetitions  of  the  same  words,  such  as  mihtum,  crceftum,  meegene^ 
which  are  really  poetic  stock-words,  and  also  modals  like  hludan 
stefne^  heapum  etc. ;  purh^  42  times  ;  mid^  10  times ;  of^  3  times. 
And  so  on  in  succeeding  works.  In  the  Byrhtno'd  of  later  date,  c. 
991,  the  pure  instrumental  is  almost  entirely  given  up,  to  be  circum- 
scribed by  mid  c.  prep.  This,  2ig2.\nstjudilh,  for  instance,  where  the 
old  usage  is  still  predominant  in  a  2  :  i  ratio,  is  significant  of  the 
progress  of  analyticism.  So,  in  turn,  the  relation  oi  Judith  to  Exo- 
dus is  4  :  I,  and  of  the  latter  to  Beowulf,  as  above.  In  OE.  Orrmu- 
lum,  c.  1200,  the  instrumental  usage,  with  the  exception  of  petrified 
locutions,  has  entirely  disappeared.^     Naturally  personal  agency 

1  Cf.  Simons,  Cynewulfs  Wortsckatz,  Bonn.  Beitr.  III.  p.  144,  for  examples. 

2  The  dissertations  of  Taubert,  Schiirmann,  Conradi,  Reussner  and  Rose  are 
of  interest  in  this  connection. 

*  Cf.  Funke,  Kasus-syntax  bei  Orrm  und  La'j^amon,  Diss.TMunchen,  1907, 
Einl.  IV.  and  p.  55  fF.;  Swane,  Studien  zur  Casus-syniax  des  Friihmitteleng- 
lischen,  Diss.  Kiel,  1901,  p.  61. 


105 

with  passives  is  expressed  by  means  of  prepositions,  as  Orrm,  12846 
patt  he  mass  pewwtedd  unnderr  ce.  purrh  Issracele  peode,  and  we  meet 
with  no  more  instances  of  the  dat.-inst.  of  agency.^ 

Old  Norse.  §  142.  The  investigation  of  ON.  was  thought  to  be 
important  both  '  an  und  fiir  sich '  and  in  confirmation  of  results 
reached  in  the  discussion  of  the  Gothic.     "  Ich  zweifle  nicht,  says 

1  The  various  stages  of  auctorial  expressions  with  passives  in  English  might 
be  given  as,  (a)  prepositionless  dat.-inst.;  (Ji)  purh  with  the  accusative;  (c) 
/ram  with  the  dative ;  (^)  ofwithjhe  dative^  and  lastly  (<r)  be  or  by^  as  to-day. 
For  {a)  cf.  Beowulf;  for  (3),  Cynewulf.  As  to  fram,  from,  there  are  all  to- 
gether about  seven  examples  of  it  in  Ags.  poetry,  to  wit  Cyn.  El.  190  fram  Sil' 
uestre  ;  Crist  161 7  scyle  from  his  Scyppende  dscyred  weortSan  ;  Soul  and  Body  46 
ic  Wees  gsest  on  pe  from  gode  sended,  really  locatival ;  Metra  20,  245  swd  him 
lyfed  wees  from  pam  celmihtigan  ;  Psalms  67,  23  from  pdm  pine  gangas  wseron 
gesewene,  113,  23  wesdS  ge  fram  gode  gebletsade ;  Pater  Noster  3,  87  pe  fram  wife 
and  fram  were  wurdon  dcenned.  (Cf.  pp.  2  and  21  of  Wullen,  Der  synt.  Ge- 
brauch  der  Prop,  fram,  under  in  d.  ags.  Poesie,  Kiel  Diss.  1908.)  In  Alfred 
fram  is  the  rule,  of  the  exception.  (Cf.  Harstrick,  Untersuchungen  uber  die 
Prdp.  bei  Alfred.  Diss.  Kiel,  1890,  p.  13.)  Interesting  is  ^.  3,  14  he  wees  fram 
eallum  monnum  lufad.  (For  the  Blickl.  Hom.  as  187,  20  pu  (Er  gecoren  wcere 
fram  gode,  cf.  p.  86  ff.  of  Fischer,  Der  Synt.  Gebrauch  der  Partikeln  of  und 
fram  in  ^Ifric's  Heiligenleben  und  in  den  Blickling-Homilien.  Leipzig  Diss. 
1908.)  In  Chaucer  and  onward  from  is  only  locatival,  as  at  the  very  beginning, 
from  Pluto  sent,  at  requeste  of  Saturne,  II.  cf.  Einenkel,  Streifzuge  durch  die  me. 
Syntax,  Mvinster,  1887,  pp.  44. —  6>/fluctuates  for  a  while  with /row,  so  iElf.  O. 
154, 28  seo  burg  wees  getimbred  of  Lcecedemonium,  but  O.  164,  10  sio  wees  getimbred 
from  Elisan  peem  wifmen.  (Cf.  Hardstrick,  op.  cit.  p.  5  and  Jacobsen,  Der 
synt.  Gebrauch  der  Prdp.  for,  geond,  of  und ymb  in  d.  ae.  Poesie,  Kiel  Diss. 
1908.)  "With  acennan  of  is  regular  in  jElfred.  Certainly  less  frequently  used 
in  OE.  than  fr  a  m,  of  begins  to  gain  ground  on  the  latter  preposition  in  Sax. 
Chron.  R,  F  and  the  interpolations  of  A.  (Cf.  Bedtker,  Critical  Contributions 
to  Eng.  Syntax,  Christiania,  1908,  p.  6.)  The  extensive  ME.  use  of  of  as  in 
Chaucer  6,  309  thi  wille  fulfillid  be  of  thi  sone,  is  attribute4  by  Einenkel,  op.  cit. 

162,  to  the  influence  of  OF.  de,  as  Joinv.  232  il  estoient  si  pressei  des  Turs  que 
etc.  —  Be,  modern  by,  is  the  regular  preposition  of  agency  in  MnE.,  rarely  of,  as 
against  ME.  of,  rarely  by.  Despite  Einenkel,  p.  131,  be  is  found  denoting  the 
personal  means  before  Chaucer,  as  ^Ifr.  2,  170,  14  sum  eawfeest  man  sende  twe- 
gen  butrucas  mid  wine  be  anum  cnapan.  (Cf.  Gottweiss,  Die  Synt.  der  Prdp. 
eet,  be,  ymb  in  den  ^Ifric-Homilien,  Anglia,  28,  353.)  Nay,  even  in  the  sense 
of  the  personal  agent,  Beda  (>yj,  3  ^a  tSe  be  him  geddne  weeron  ;  so  Blickl.  Hom. 

163,  27.  Farther  back,  in  Csedmon,  Gen.  ^Oi%  pat  wurde  pegn  swd  monig  for- 
leedd  be  pam  lygenum.  (Cf.  also  Dusenschon,  Die  Prdp.  eefter,  eet  und  be  in 
der  ae.  Poesie,  Diss.  Kiel,  1907.)  Its  modern  use,  in  spite  of  its  infrequency  in 
Ags.  and  OE.,  is  attributed  by  Einenkel,  p.  132,  to  the  influence  of  French  par, 
as  Chev.  Lyon  5127  que  ia  par  toi  nHert  reconte.') 


106 

Bernhardt,^  dass  diese  beiden  zweige  am  fruhsten  dem  gemeinsa- 
men  stamme  der  germanischen  ursprache  entwuchsen.  Nicht 
minder  zeigt  sich  in  der  syntax  zwischen  beiden  iibereinstim- 
mung,  und  aus  der  reicher  fliessenden  quelle  des  altnordischen  ist 
fiir  das  gotische  oft  verstandnis  zu  gewinnen."  To  establish  such 
a  similarity,  the  entire  poetic  Edda^  has  been  covered  as  more 
important  for  case-syntax  than  the  prose-literature ; '  quite  a  num- 
ber of  examples,  however,  have  been  adduced  from  the  later  prose- 
literature,  a  comprehensive  syntax  of  which  is  now  being  prepared 
by  Streitberg.^ 

§  143.  In  the  instance  of  the  Edda  we  have  not  to  deal,  as  in 
Gothic,  with  a  text  that  is  open  to  the  charge  of  vitiation  by  depen- 
dence upon  a  foreign  original,  but  in  return  we  are  confronted 
with  the  difficulty  inherent  in  late  recensions.  How  far  the  oldest 
MSS.  we  possess  may  be  taken  as  an  exemplar  of  the  language  of 
the  time  of  composition  and  how  far  we  may  speak  of  alterations 
in  the  texts  made  by  some  officious  meddler  to  bring  the  old  lines 
more  in  accord  with  the  linguistic  status  or  metrical  technique  of 
his  time,  will  always  remain  one  of  the  moot  questions  of  Eddie 
research.  Certain  it  is  that  the  text  transmitted  to  us  shows  con- 
siderable corruption :  "  gegeniiber  dem  torichten  gerede,  dass  der 
Eddatext,  wie  die  handschriften  ihn  bieten,  '  von  gebildeten  Islan- 
dern  und  Norwegern  im  13.  und  14.  jahrhundert  verstanden  und 
gewiirdigt  worden  sei '  —  muss  dies  einmal  mit  aller  entschieden- 
heit  betont  werden."^  Hence  the  absolute  necessity  of  textual 
revision,  a  fact  which  in  following  paragraphs  must  always  be  kept 
in  mind. 

§  144.  Morphologically  Old  Norse  has  only  such  formations  as 
are  syntactically  worthless.®  The  language  of  the  Eddie  poems, 
as  such,^  is  essentially  the  same  as  that  of  the  older  Skaldic  poetry. 

1  Beitr.  z.  d.  Phil.  Halle,  1880,  p.  73. 

2  Ed.  Hildebrand-Gering3,  191 2.  8  cf.  Synkretismus,  Einl.  I. 

*  Cf.  IFA.  for  1906,  announcements.  ^  Gering,  Introd.  to  Hildebrand^. 

6  Noreen,  Gesch.  d.  nord.  Sprache^  609  ;   Synkretismus,  p.  152  ff. 

■^  The  consensus  of  scholars  in  general  is  that  they  did  not  arise  all  at  the 
same  time,  but  that  centuries  must  have  elapsed  between  the  oldest,  such  as 
VglundarkviiSa,  Hdvamdl,  and  the  youngest  poems,  none,  however,  originating 
before  the  first  half  of  the  ninth  century,  all  being  composed  in  the  Viking  period, 
i.e.  c.  800-1050.  Cf.  Mogk,  Gesch.  d.  Norwegisch-Isl'dndischen  Lit?-  1904, 
Pauls  Grdr?  II.  567  ff.;  Sijmons,  Die  Lieder  der  Edda,  Einleitung,  §  28; 
Bugge,  The  Home  of  the  Eddie  Poems,  5,  2 ;  Finnur  Jonsson,  Litt.-Hist.  I.  47. 


107 

To  reduce  the  oldest  of  the  former  to  Proto-Norse  forms  would  dis- 
turb their  metric  arrangement.^  In  fact,  such  a  thorogoing  lin- 
guistic unanimity  exists  between  all  of  them  that  it  seems  as  if  no 
decisive  change  at  all  had  taken  place  in  the  language  during 
the  Viking  period.  As  against  this,  witness  the  manifest  advance 
in  case-syntax,  especially  with  regard  to  prepositional  usages, 
from  the  Edda  to  the  oldest,  tho  nevertheless  younger,  prose- 
works.^ 

§  145.  For  the  genealogy  of  the  dative-instrumental  of  personal 
agency,  as  established  in  the  foregoing  divisions  and  chapters,  the 
following  examples  may  be  offered.' 

(a)  Pure  concomitation  is  extremely  common  in  Icelandic.  For 
the  Edda,  Vsp.  36,  2  g  fellr  austan  sgxutn  ok  sverpum  ;  51,  4  Peim 
es  bropir  Byleists  ifgr;  BHv.  prose  12,  Helgi  ok  Atli  Idgu  skipum  i 
Hatafirf>i ;  Akv.  17,  2  sent  hjglmum  aringreypum  at  sea  heim  Atla. 
But  already  here  mef>  competes.  Vsp,  51,3  fara  fiflmeger  mep 
freka  aller ;  so  Hdl.  5,2. 

{p)  Nearer  the  instrumental  is  the  sociative  found  so  strange  by 
Winkler,  p.  470,  "  rida  mar  innum  melgreipa  Myrkvid  okunnan 
(Akv.  3,  2,  ripa  mar  enum  melgreypa  Myrkvip  okunnan)^  auf  dem 
gebissknirschenden  rosse  durch  den  unbekannten  schwarzwald ;  " 
so  Hrbl.  53  ro  pu  hingat  bdtinum.  Non-Eddie,  rem  gllum  skipu- 
num,  Hkr.  225,  16  ;  ri'dr  Nott peim  hesti,  Sn,  E.  7  (cf.  Lund,  p.  86). 
Because  of  phrases  like  reid  a  vargi,  HHv.  35,  i,  a  locatival  con- 
ception is  by  no  means  impossible  here.^ 

ic)  There  is  nothing  that  cannot  be  expressed  as  an  instrument, 
"  als  werkzeug  des  schlages  konnen  auch  personen  dargestellt 
sein."     (Dietrich  in  HZ.  8,  62.) 

(rt?)  Passive  expressions  with  the  common  inst.  of  pure  means 
are  common,  sleginn  sessmeWum,  Akv.  14,  3  ;  Atli  slegenn  rog-por- 
num,  31,  2  ;  Guprun  hlapen  haismenjum,  Am.  43,  4;  so  Hkr.  346, 
16  hann  var  gyrdr  sverdi ;  2,  168  var  hgndum  tekinny  etc.,  etc. 

1  HofFory,  Eddastudien,  p.  36  fF. 

2  Cf.  Gebhardt,  Beitr.  z.  Bedeuiungshhre  der  awn.  Prdpositionen,  Leipzig 
Diss.  1896. 

8  For  further  information,  cf.  Detter-Heinzel,  II.;  Dietrich  in  ^aw/^'j  Zj.  VIII. 
23  ff.;  Lund's  Ordfajningslare ;  Nygaard's  Eddasprogets  Syntax  and  Norran 
Syntax,  finally  Winkler,  Germ.  Cas.  p.  454  ff.  The  various  abbreviations  are 
those  used  in  Hildebrand-Gering^. 

*  Cf.  ALL  p.  58. 


108 

(<r)  Passive  expressions  with  instruments  that  are  nearer  to  the 
notion  of  agency  than  that  of  means,  Gf>r,  III.  ^,20/  borin  verk- 
jum;  ^  HH.  II.  37,  3  dyrkalfr  dgggo  slungenn  ;  Vgl.  4,  pa  vas  grund 
groin  gr0num  lauki ;  so  Vegt.  5,  var  ek  snivin  snjovi  ok  sleginn  regni 
ok  drifin  dgggu  ;  the  concept  of  agency  appears  very  clearly  in  Akv, 
34,  2  /  gar^d  />anns  skripinn  vas  innan  ormum,  *  perreptatum  angui- 
bus ' ;  Fornm.  Sud.  70,  26  gll  hgllin  mun  vera  skipud  hrcedilegum 
ormum,  to  which  cf .  Sn.  E.  I.  496  frd  IdH  Finnum  skripnu ;  real 
auctorial  in  Nj.  153,  52  hann  var  vd  vinum  ho f Jinn,  so  in  Drop- 
laugarsona  Saga,  34 ;  Egilss.  ed.  F.  J6nsson,  1886,  VIII.  1.  20, 
hann  vir'diz  par  vel  huerjum  manni ;  similarly  in  Hitd,  ed.  Fridrik- 
son,  1847,  4  virdist  konunginum  hann  a/b ragd s ma'd r  vihosQ  mean- 
ing is  attested  by  Stjorn.  458  hann  var  virdr  minnzt  of  peim.  Nor- 
"dimbraland  var  mest  byggt  Nordmgnnum,  Fornm.  I.  23,  to  which 
xf.  Olafssaga  in  Flat.  I.  16,  ^,  er  kallatt  af  Nordmonnum  sidan 
bygdu  pat?     Follows  the  discussion  of  examples  from  the  Edda. 

§  146.  Vm,  25,  2  en  N^tt  vas  Ngrvi  borin  is  explained  from  the 
connection  with  §  128  under  Ags.  acennan.  Already  Grimm,  IV. 
714  recognized  the  instrumental  nature  of  the  datives  with  verbs 
denoting  "  das  erzeugt  und  geboren  werden,  wobei  freilich  in  uns- 
rer  sprache  fast  nur  das  part,  prat.,  weil  die  passivflexion  aufhort, 
in  betracht  kommt."  So  Delbriick  in  ALL  p.  13,  and  Synkretis- 
mus,  p.  173.  Not  so,  however,  others  who  class  whatever  examples 
of  this  kind  are  known  to  them  under  the  functions  of  the  real  da- 
tive, as  Dietrich  in  HZ.  8,  53  and  Nygaard,  Edd.  Synt.  I.  17 
"  medens  man  i  Udtryk  som  nott  var  N'orvi  borin  har  egentlig  Hen- 
synsbetegnelse."  Right  here  may  be  enumerated  all  similar  exam- 
ples from  the  Edda,  besides  Vm.  25,  2. 

Vm.  38,  5  ok  vas  at  hann  ^sum  alinn 

Alv.  29,  3  hve  su  n^tt  heitir,  en  Ngrvi  kenda 

Rp.  43,  I    Upp  oxu par  Jarli  bornir 

HdL  12  pu  est,  OttarrI  borinn  Innsteini  etc. 

Hdl.  25,2  allir  bornir  J g  rmunrekki 

1  Cf.  Dietrich,  HZ.  8,  53. 

2  The  dative  in  combination  with  vera  and  the  present  participle  to  denote 
necessity  must  naturally  be  taken  as  a  real  dative  of  interest  (cf.  Lund,  p.  119  ff.; 
Winkler,  p.  463;  Nor.  Synt.  p.  99;  HZ.  8,  52).  at  ySr  se  pat  vel  geranda, 
Hkr.  357,  26  ;  er  per  pess  ecki  biQjanda,  *  derom  bor  du  ikke  bede,'  *  hoc  tibi 
petendum  non  est,'  Egilss.  60,  22  ;  er  ongum  dugandi  manni  er  geranda,  *  hoc 
nuUi  homini  faciendum  est,'  Alex.  47. 


I 


109 

Hdl,  29,  I  borinn  Hr0rekki 

Fj.  6,  I  hverjum  estu,  sveinnf  of  borinn  ;  cf.  Fm,  i,  i 
Vkv.  2,  I  Hlapgu/^r  ok  Hervgr  Hlopve  bornar ;   So  Hildebrand- 

Regius:  borin  var  Hlopve,  and  J6nsson^  :  vas  Hlopve  borin 
Grp.  3,  3  Sigurpr  heitik,  borinn  Sigmundi 
Gpr.  I.  24,  3  of  borinn  Bupla^  brofiirminn;  cf.  Sg.  55,  5,  and 

Sg  15,  2.    ^        ^ 
Od.  10,  4  j^w  vit  br0prum  tveim  bornar  vdrim 
Hm.  2,  5  ^J  hvaiti  Gu/>run^  GJuka  borin 
Grt  9,  4  br0/>r  bergrisa,  />eim  erum  bornar.  —  Both  ala  and  bera 

are  extensively  used  in  the  active  in  the  sense  of  'beget,  bring 

forth ' ;  so 
Hdl.  42,  I  olulf  Loke  vi/>  Angrbofio 
Hdl.  37,  3  nio  bgro  pann  jgtna  meyjar^  etc. 

And  yet  the  nature  of  our  language  is  such  that  we  are  unable  to 
render  them  correctly  not  only  in  the  passive  but  even  in  the  ac- 
tive; Cpb.  is  constrained  to  translate  HH.\.  i,  3  /ds  hafpi  Helga 
Borghildr  borit^  *  H.  was  born  of  B.'  —  Further  notes  follow. 

§  147.  Vm.  25,  2.  For  Grimm  cf.  §  146.  That,  at  any  rate,  ON. 
linguistic  consciousness  did  not  conceive  of  such  examples  as  pure 
datives  of  interest,  not  to  speak  of  dative-objects,^  is  evidenced 
from  instances  like  the  Flateyjarbok  version  of  Hdl.  25,  2  allir 
bornirfrd  Jgrmunrekki.  This  example  would  indicate  a  later  clear- 
ing up  of  the  I-E.  confusion  of  the  instrumental  with  the  ablative  * 
—  since  we  have  no  frd  in  the  Edda  in  this  sense  —  in  the  same 
way  2&fon  has  become  predominant  in  OHG.  with  verbs  of  descent.' 
But  since  af  is  the  regular  Norse  preposition  in  this  use,  as  in  hon 
var  af  Most  kynjud  ok  fcedd^  Fornm.  10,  384 ;  cBttadr  af  Arabia^ 
Alex.  39,  Detter-Heinzel's  comment  upon  the  passage  in  question, 
II.  627,  is  not  at  all  improbable.  "  Die  Construction  mit  '/ri  * 
statt  des  nackten  Dativs  deutet  vielleicht  an,  dass  sie  nicht  Sohne, 
sondern  Enkel,  Urenkel  Jbrmunreks  waren.  S.  oben  8  koma  frd^ 
unten  25  uera  frd.  Aber  koma  frd  wird  unten  38  von  directer 
Descendenz  gebraucht." 

§  148.  Vm.  38,  5  ^suin  alinn,  in  Regius  and  Arnam.  —  Hilde- 
brand's  and  Sijmons'  insertion  of  mep  before  gsum  is  gratuitous. 

1  Gislason,  Eft  Skrifter,  II.  23. 

2  Cf.  ALT.  p.  12.  ff. ;  and  §  128  of  this  dissertation. 

*  Cf.  Erdmann,  Untersuchungen  uber  die  Syntax  der  Sprachc  Otfrids,  Halle, 
1874-6,  II.  245  ff.;   Graff,  Die  ahd.  Pr'dp.  236. 


no 

Delbriick,  ALL  13  and  Synkret.  173,  translates  the  line,  "er  wurde 
nicht  von  den  Asen  erzeugt  "  ;  so  Vm.  25^  "  die  Nacht  war  von  Ngr 
gezeugt."  Detter-Heinzel,  II.  165  "  Der  nackte  Dativ  kann  im 
Passivconstructionen  statt  des  mit  ^verbundenen  stehen."  Lund, 
120,  classes  this  example  among  the  uses  of  the  dat.  of  interest. 
So  Dietrich,  LIZ.  8,  53  "  weil  hier  zugleich  ein  besitz  des  geborenen 
vorhanden ist  "  ;  for  Winkler,  cf.  Germ,  Cas,^\o.  Wis^n,  Om  ord- 
fogningen^  40,  holds  an  ablatival  view,  somewhat  like  Erdmann's 
conception^  of  Ot.  i,  5,  23  thu  scalt  beran  einan  .  .  .  fatere  gibo- 
ranan  ebanewigan  as  "  von,  oder  besser  aus  dem  Vater  geboren  als 
ein  gleichewiger."  This  would  also  be  supported  by  Fm.  3,  2  ^ 
hvety'u  vast  undri  alinn.  However,  if  the  material  in  §  128  has 
any  weight,  then,  besides  the  ablative  ^  we  must  surely  allow  an 
equally  strong  instrumental  possibility  —  a  datival  sense  we  must 
grant  a  priori  because  of  the  morphological  aspect  of  the  case  — ; 
and,  for  the  OHG.,  Grimm's  suggestion,  "schoner  ware /^/^n^ " 
for  Otfrid  (cf.  Grimm,  IV.  714)  is  not  now  quite  as  decisively  to  be 
rejected  as  Erdmann  would  have  us  believe.  LLdl.  19,  4  presents 
still  another  verb  of  begetting,  enn  LLildi  vas  Llglfr  of  getinn,  the 
reading  being  that  of  Bugge  in  Ark.  i,  249  ff.  The  active  is  repre- 
sented in  42,  2  en  Sleipni gat\Loki'\  vi/^  Svapilf^ra. 

§  149.  LLLiv.  21,  3  ef  mir's  alhugat.  Cf.  Glums.  c.  4.  mer  mun 
mest  um  hugat.  For  personal  datives  with  impersonal  verbs 
Dietrich,  LLZ.  8,  51  gives  a  rule,  "Dies  ist  besonders  der  fall  bei 
gesinnungen  und  seelenzustanden  die  wir  nicht  machen,  die  iiber 
uns,  an  uns  kommen,  so  wie  bei  ahnlichen  leiblichen  zustanden, 
dann  auch  namentlich  bei  sonstigen  absichtslos  und  zufallig  vorge- 
nommenen  handlungen,  und  bei  den  naturvorgangen  in  denen  eine 
uns  fremde  macht,  ein  es  da  \sic\  wir  nicht  begreifen,  uns  niitzlich 
oder  schadlich  wird."  Clearly  there  is  a  danger  of  subsuming  too 
much  under  this  category.  Much  will  depend  on  the  nature  of  the 
verb  itself ; /<a!««J/  mgnnum  mikit  um  hana,  LLkr.  27,  7  may  be 
a  propos,  but  a  similar  impersonal,  dvaldist  hdnum  i  peiri/erd,  Flat. 
I.  42,  might  be  taken  as  a  dat.-inst.  of  agency.  So,  while  mental 
states  like  Pykkir  mer  (cf.  Gothic  hja  izwis  pugkeipy  Mt.  26,  66), 
mer  skilz,  mer  minniz  and  even  honum  skytzt,  *  he  loses  his  way  '  etc. 
are  surely  datives  of  interest,  they  cannot  be  classed  with  instances 
like  konunginum  vard  litit,  Fa.  3,  456  ;   var'd  henni  opt  gengid,   Od. 

^  Untersuchungen,  II.  245. 

2  Misteli,  in  Zs.f.  Volkerpsych.  u.  Sprachwiss.  x.  160,  scouts  this  alternative. 


Ill 

3,  49  ;  \>rdndi  ok  \>orgrimi  vard  mart  ialat^  Flat.  I.  556,  5  ;  vard 
f>eifn  ok  mart  taiat,  Laxd.  248,  24 ;  honum  mundi  helzt  misgert  i 
vera  at  far  a  at  mer,  \_Nj.  124,  114  ^  af  ham  vilde  der  isaer  vaere 
handlet  ilde  ved  at,'  Norr.  Synt.  p.  99]  ;  potti  hdnum  ser  f>d  skjotara 
fyrnast lifldt  Droplaugar  [^ snarere  glemmes  af  ham^''  Lund,  p.  1 1 9]. 
Dropl.  9.  Of  course  HHv.  21,  3  is  a  dative  of  interest,  but  31,3 
hvVs  per,  stillir!  st0kt  or  landi  W\\\  have  to  be  explained  differently. 
Cf.  Detter-Heinzel,  II.  359  ff. 

§  150.  BB.  II.  8,  6  }7vi  vas  a  l0gi  [m^r]  litt  steikt  etit.  — Gering 
omits  the  mer  of  Regius ;  Bugge  and  Heinzel  retain  it,  so  Munch 
Grundtvig  and  J6nsson  in  their  several  editions :  mer  is  the  logical 
subject.  But  in  8,  5  the  Cod.  Reg.  er  sagt  m^  cannot  be  taken  as 
mer,  because  that  is  not  the  required  sense  of  the  passage,  despite 
the  Copenhagen  edition  and  that  of  Hagen.  Hildebrand's  m&r  is 
much  better. 

§  151.  BB.  II.  18,  I  esat  }?er  at  gUu,  alvitr!  gefit.  Gering's 
rendering  of  this  line,  Wb.  s.v.,  "  dir  ist  nicht  in  jeder  beziehung 
gliick  beschieden  gewesen  "  is  correct  only  in  case  the  above  read- 
ing is  accepted,  and  even  then  uncommon  for  the  Edda.  But  the 
get  of  the  Codex  Regius  is  the  usual  contraction  not  for  gefip  as  the 
MS.  would  imply,  but  for  getit}  If  this  reading  is  allowed  to  stand, 
then  per  must  be  construed  as  a  dative-agent.  The  sense  of  the 
passage  in  this  form  is  entirely  satisfactory :  The  situation  is  that 
of  the  valkyrja  Sigriin  who  is  alvitr  and  aids  Helgi  in  his  battles, 
coming  to  meet  him  after  the  carnage  in  which  he  could  not  help  slay- 
ing his  antagonists,  Signin's  father  and  brother.  He  receives  her 
with  such  words,  "All  turned  out  well,  hut  you  did  not  get  everything 
your  way,  all-wise  tho  you  are,  I  have  killed  your  father  and  brother ; 
but  then  you  could  not  prevent  it,  —  some  of  this  was  Fate's  doing." 
This  interpretation  of  the  lines  is  borne  out  by  the  sense  of  20,  3 
vanntat  vigi,  vas  per  vg  skgpup,  for  which  cf.  Detter-Heinzel,  II. 
374,  and  has  the  advantage  of  a  correct  reading  without  the  neces- 
sity of  an  unusual  translation. 

§  152.  Fm.  21,  I  raj>'s  J»6r  ra]7it.  So  Regius;  Grimm's  (ed. 
18 1 5)  and  Ettmiiller's  reading  of  mer  for  per"^  which  Cpb.  follows 

1  Cf.  Hildebrand-Gering^,  p.  263  fn.  and  Cpb.  notes  ad  loc.  Wimmer  og 
Jonsson's  note  to  the  MS.,  on  p.  147  of  their  phototype  edition  of  the  Edda: 
"  1.  25,  gepip']  rettet  fra  /;  stregen  over  p  synes  at  vise,  at  der,  saledes  som  ogsa 
Bugge  formoder,  s.  196,  forst  har  vseret  skre-vet  gel  y  igeHi." 

2  In  Germania,  17,  12. 


112 

is  unwarranted  and  unsatisfactory :  it  is  SigurJ)r  that  speaks  these 
words  to  Fdfnir,  who  in  verse  20  has  been  telling  him  raj>k  per  nu, 
Sigvgrpr,  en  pu  rap  nemir.  Hence  Nygaard  ^  is  entirely  correct  in 
interpreting  per  as  '  of  dig. ' 

§  153.  The  following  two  examples  are  of  interest  because  they 
might  give  the  impression  of  containing  analytic  substitutes  for  the 
expression  of  agency  in  the  Edda.  Gpr.  II.  4,  4  gll  vgru  sgpuldyr 
sveita  stokkin  ok  of  vanip  vast  und  veggndum.  Cod.  Reg.  has 
of  instead  of  und^  adopted  by  Bugge,  Grundtvig  etc.  as  against 
Rask,  Copenhagen  ed.,  Munch  and  Ettmuller's  af ;  cf.  Detter- 
Heinzel,  II.  493.  But  af  to  denote  agency,  tho  common  later,^  as 
Flat.  I,  69,  14  pa  var  Gudefridus  drepinn  af  sinum  monnum,  is  un- 
known to  the  Eddie  poems.  The  only  other  example  to  be  con- 
sidered is  Gpr.  II.  34,  2  pann  munk  kjosa  af  konungum  ok  po  af 
nipjum  naupug  hafa,  but  since  naupug  is  an  adjective,  the  relation 
is  local,  *  tho  coerced  on  the  part  of  my  relatives,'  or,  if  differently 
interpreted,  causal,  '  him  will  I  then  choose  among  kings  and  have, 
tho  constrained,  simply  because  of  my  relatives ; '  for  the  latter 
cf.  also  Ifdi.  43,  3  varpr  Loptr  kvipogr  af  kono  Hire,  where  we 
have  an  adjective  with  af. 

§  154.  Ghv.  10,  2  vask  Jjrimr  verum  vegin  at  husi,  'I  was 
led  home  by  three  men,'  may  well  be  another  instance  of  a  dat.- 
inst.  of  agency.  The  Gothic  gas  andjan  sik,  'to  be  led,'  takes  fram 
in  this  use,  as  in  2  Cor.  i,  16.  Even  Winkler  says,  p.  476,  ''  eigen- 
tumlich  ist  der  instrumental  des  mittels,  falls  nicht  der  dativ  der 
beteiligung  vorliegt,  mit  dem  ausdruck  des  personlichen  agens  z. 
b.  in  der  folgenden  stelle ;  var  ek  primr  verum  vegin  at  husi  =  von 
drei  mdnnern  heimgefuhrt.^^ 

§  155.  Bm.  7,  2  b0kr  V0ru  inar  J?enar  blahvitu  valundum 
rol^nar,  flutu  i  vers  dreyra.  Such  is  Hildebrand-Gering's  reading, 
against  Cod.  Reg.  ofnar  vglundum,  apparently  because  of  the  sup- 
port of  Ghv.  4,  3  d0kr  vgru  pinar  enar  blahvitu  ropnar  i  vers 
dreyra^  folgnari  valblopi,  the  sense  being  'thy  blue-white  bed- 
covers were  reddened  by  the  deadly  wound,  they  swam  in  the 
blood  of  thy  husband.'  Cpb.  even  substitutes  folgnar  for  flutu, 
'  bathed  in  his  blood.'  Because  of  the  fact  that  '  *valund,  f.  todes- 
wunde '  ^  is  a  aTra^  Acyo/xcvov,  it  were  best  to  return  to  the  reading 

1  Norran  Syntax,  p.  99. 

2  Probably  under  Latin  influence,  cf.  Falk  og  Thorp,  p.  170. 

3  Cf.  Gering,  Worterbuch,  s.v. 


113 

of  the  Codex,  accepted  by  Hagen,  Rask,  Copenhagen  ed.,  Munch, 
and  Detter-Heinzel.  So  Lund,  p.  119  '  vaevede  af  Kunstnere,'  fol- 
lowed by  NygB.rd,  ££^dasj>r.  Synt.  p.  17;  '  ab  artificibus  contexta ' 
in  Copenhagen  ed.  Cf.  Detter-Heinzel,  II.  576  "  Deine  von 
Kunsilerinnen  gewebten  Betttiicher  wurden  von  dem  Blute  deines 
Mannes  besprenget."  For  vglundum  cf.  Fritzner,  Ordbok,  and 
Sturl.  I.  278,  ])tdr.  69,  82. 

§  156.  Such  are  the  examples  from  the  Eddie  poems.  In  the 
light  of  the  testimony  of  Gothic  and  Anglo-Saxon  as  to  the  exist- 
ence of  a  dative-instrumental  of  personal  agency,  they  cannot  be 
mere  accidents.  "Anomalien  im  satzbau  —  says  Dietrich  in  HZ. 
13,  124  in  another  connection  —  konnen,  so  lange  sie  nur  verein- 
zelt  in  einem  alten  texte  vorliegen,  desto  mehr  zum  zweifel  an  der 
iiberlieferung  oder  ihrer  auffassung,  beziehungsweise  bei  einem 
schriftsteller  zum  corrigieren  veranlassen,  je  mehr  sie  gegen  die 
gewohnliche  logik  moderner  oder  alten  sprachen  verstossen.  So- 
bald  eine  solche  erscheinung  indes  durch  noch  mehrmaliges  vor- 
kommen  in  demselben  dialecte  oder  durch  auftreten  auch  in  einem 
verschiedenen  dialecte  stiitzen  empfangt,  muss  sich  der  zweifel  in 
forschen  nach  dem  grund  der  abweichung  verwandeln."  This 
might  be  taken  as  a  precise  statement  of  the  case  with  respect  to 
the  Germanic  dialects.  The  dative  and  the  instrumental,  in  their 
respective  functions,  were  found  to  be  ill-defined  and  confused. 
This  was  especially  true  of  them  in  the  domain  of  agency.  The 
datives  that  denoted  the  personal  agent  with  passive  verbs  could 
not  all  be  reduced  to  the  basic  concept  of  a  dativus  commodi ;  in 
the  case  of  a  considerable  number  sufficient  reason  was  produced 
for  a  dissent  from  their  older  interpretation  and  in  favor  of  their 
classification  as  original  instrumentals.  The  collateral  testimony 
of  other  Indo-European  languages  lent  added  weight  to  these  find- 
ings in  confirming  the  development  of  the  Germanic  sociative-comi- 
tative  into  the  dative-instrumental  of  agency. 


CONCLUSION 

§  157.  The  deductions  gained  from  the  preceding  chapters  may 
be  summarized  as  follows  : 

{a)  The  Indo-European  languages  express  personal  agency,  i.e. 
the  logical  subject,  with  passive  verbs  either  by  means  of  an  un- 
aided case-form  or  thru  a  prepositional  phrase.  As  a  rule  the 
prepositional  locution  is  the  direct  product  of  later  analytic  ten- 
dencies, whereas  the  prepositionless  devices  are  resorted  to  in  the 
older  or  synthetic  stages  of  a  language.  The  Indo-European  lan- 
guages may  be  said  to  employ  four  case-forms  to  denote  the  agent 
of  a  passive  action:  the  instrumental  (Slavic,  §  53),  the  dative 
(Latin,  §  38),  the  genitive  (Lithuanian,  §  56)  and  the  ablative 
(Armenian).^  Of  these  the  instrumental-agent  is  really  a  personal- 
ized instrumental  of  means ;  the  dative-agent  in  reality  designates 
personal  interest ;  the  ablative  emphasizes  the  idea  of  separation ; 
finally,  the  genitive  of  agency  is  but  an  adnominal  genitive  of 
possession. 

(b)  Judging  by  the  combined  testimony  of  Latin,  Slavic,  Sanskrit 
and  Avestan,  §  37,  the  instrumental  and  the  dative  case-forms  met 
in  the  function  of  agency  already  in  the  Indo-European  Ursprache : 
the  perfect  (passive)  participle,  namely,  could  be  connected  with 
both  an  instrumental  and  a  dative  of  agency.  Whilst,  however,  we 
may  speak  of  a  competition  in  that  domain  between  the  two  cases, 
this  rivalry  is  not  to  be  thought  of  as  one  of  complete  synonymity. 
Both  could  represent  the  logical  subject  but,  at  the  same  time,  each 
stood  for  a  different  type  of  this  subject.  The  instrumental  ex- 
pressed the  agent  as  an  outer,  moving,  and  directive  force,  with 
whose  cooperation  the  action  took  place.  The  instrumental-agent, 
in  the  last  analysis,  was  a  comitative  agent,  §§  20,  21.  The 
dative,  on  the  other  hand,  developed  the  function  of  agency  from 
its  basic  signification  of  personal  interest;  it  is  not  merely  the 
author,  Urheber,  of  the  action,  but  a  partaker  that  is  vitally  in- 
terested in  the  outcome  as  one  that  may  be  of  benefit  or  disadvan- 

1  Cf.  Lauer's  Grammatik  d.  classiscken  Armenischen  Sprache,  Wien,  1869, 
p.  86,  and  K.  H.  Gulian's  Elementary  Modern  Armenian  Grammar^  1902,  p.  72. 

114 


115 

tage  to  him.  Consequently,  the  dativus  auctoris  is  essentially  a 
dativus  commodi  vel  incommodi,  §  i6.  The  statement  of  H.  C.  v.  d. 
Gabelentz^  that  in  some  of  the  non-Indo-European  languages  as 
well,  notably  in  Manchu,  Mongolian  and  Japanese,  the  relation  of 
the  nomen  agentis  with  the  passive  can  be  symbolized  by  means  of  a 
dative  form,  throws  an  interesting  light  upon  the  similar  evolution 
of  the  Indo-European  dative. 

(c)  Indo-Iranian  is  the  sole  linguistic  group  that  has  preserved 
this  simultaneous  employment  of  the  two  cases.  Both  Sanskrit  and 
Avestan  attest  an  instrumental  of  agency  not  merely  with  a  perfect 
passive  participle,  but  with  verbal  adjectives  and  finite  passive 
verbs  as  well,  §§  68,  71.  Its  combination  with  the  last  category 
cannot  be  declared  *  Indo-European,  because  the  formation  of 
passive  verbs  belongs  to  the  period  consequent  upon  the  "  dialectal 
scission,"  §§  4,  5.  The  Indo-Iranian  usage,  however,  demonstrates 
that  the  instrumental  of  the  personal  agent  is  the  direct  heir  of  an 
original  sociative-comitative  force.  The  various  stages  of  its  descent 
are  clearly  visible,  since  thru  the  comitant  denoting  military  asso- 
ciations, conveyances  etc.  one  can  logically  arrive  at  the  instrumen- 
tal of  means,  pure  and  simple.  To  the  apphcation  of  the  latter 
there  is  no  limitation :  persons  also  can  fimction  as  the  means  or 
instrument  of  the  action.  The  instrumental-agent  with  finite  pas- 
sive verbs  may  thus  have  two  immediate  predecessors,  §§  64*?, 
68  e.  (a)  the  use  of  the  instrumental  of  agency  with  the  past  parti- 
ciple, developed  from  the  instrumental  of  personal  means,  as  if 
*  per  interpretem  (inst.)  dixit '  >  '  dictum  per  interpretem  '  >  *  dic- 
tum ab  interprete  '  (inst.)  >  *  dicitur  ab  interprete  '  (inst.)  ;  (/8)  the 
instrumental  of  means  with  finite  passive  verbs,  as  *  he  praises 
with  words  '  >  *  thou  art  praised  with  words  '  >  '  thou  art  praised  by 
your  friends.'  Because  of  the  late  creation  of  passives,  the  process 
described  under  (a)  must  be  held  chronologically  prior  to  the  other. 

{d)  The  dative-agent  of  Indo-Iranian  derives  its  auctorial  force 
purely  thru  its  context ;  its  grammatical  form  postulates  only  the 
concept  of  benefit  or  detriment  to  some  participant  in  the  action. 
This  overwhelmingly  personal  nature  of  the  dative-agents  in  the 
earlier  stages  of  Sanskrit  and  Avestan  is  shown  by  the  fact  that 
these  agents  are  predominatingly  of  the  pronominal  type  ;  ^  the  evi- 
dence, however,  of  both  the  Rigveda  and  the  GaOas  is  at  hand  to 

^  ijber  das  Passivum,  p.  541. 

2  Cf.  Havers,  Untersuchungen^  pp.  10,  14,  44,  60. 


116 

prove  that  this  personal  agent  was  capable  of  attaching  itself  not 
only  to  the  *I-E.  past  participle,  but  in  turn  to  the  verbals  and 
finite  passives  as  well  —  an  evolution  of  the  same  sort  as  that  which 
took  place  in  Latin. 

(e)  Whilst  Slavic  offers  the  example  of  a  language  that  has  only 
an  instrumental  of  agency  and  can  demonstrate  all  the  stages  of  its 
probable  provenience,  §  54,  Latin  restricts  itself  to  the  dative  as  the 
prepositionless  logical  subject.  In  the  beginnings  of  the  language 
this  Latin  dative,  of  a  strongly  pronominal  character,^  is  found 
combined  only  with  the  past  participle  or  its  compounds  and  the 
verbals,  denoting /^r  whom  the  action  is  an  accomplished  fact,  or 
in  whose  interests  it  must  take  place,  §  46.  Its  combination  with 
the  participle  must,  of  course,  have  preceded  its  use  with  the 
gerundive,  because  the  latter  is  a  specifically  Italic  formation. 
The  agency  idea,  synonymous  with  that  denoted  by  ab  with  the 
ablative,  which  develops  after  Cicero,  and  especially  in  the  usage 
of  the  Augustan  writers  and  attaches  itself  not  only  to  pronouns 
and  verbals,  but  to  substantives  and  finite  passive  forms,  is  a 
Graecism  in  that  the  native  tendency  of  the  dativus  commodi  to 
rise  to  the  rank  of  a  pure  dativus  auctoris,  devoid  of  all  personal 
interest,  was  assisted  by  the  homogeneous  construction  of  the 
Greek,  §  51. 

(/)  Greek  and  Germanic,  the  two  syncretistic  languages  par 
excellence,  present  a  complication  in  connection  with  what  may  be 
called  the  dative-instrumental  of  agency,  i.e.  a  case-form  which 
combines  the  two  separate  ideas  represented  by  the  Sanskrit  instru- 
mental and  dative  of  agency.  The  existence  of  such  a  composite 
force,  as  distinct  from  the  view  formerly  held  of  these  '  datives ' 
with  verbals  and  passive  verbs,  must  be  postulated  because  of  the 
fact  that  both  the  Greek  and  Germanic  dative  represent  an  agglom- 
eration of  syntactic  uses,  among  them  the  function  of  the  instru- 
mental as  well  as  that  of  the  dative,  §  73. 

{g)  The  interpretation  of  all  the  Greek  dative-agents  as  original 
datives  in  force  cannot,  in  the  last  analysis,  be  called  false,  both 
because  it  harmonizes  with  the  Grundbegriff  of  the  dative  and  be- 
cause the  history  of  the  dativus  auctoris  in  Latin  offers  a  tangible 
proof  of  a  similar  possibility  in  the  other  languages.  In  fact,  the 
personal  datives  with  the  verbals  -rds  and  -rcos  lend  themselves 

*  Cf.  Havers,  op.  cit.  p.  237,  188. 


117 

quite  well  to  such  an  explanation,  especially  with  -rcos,  because 
the  morphologically  demonstrable  similarity  of  that  suffix  with  other 
verbal  adjectives  tends  to  bring  its  dative  in  line  with  the  dative- 
agent  of  predicate  infinitives  in  other  Indo-European  languages  as 
well,  §§  84-87.  But  in  the  instance  of  finite  passive  verbs,  at  least, 
the  partially  instrumental  force  of  the  dative-agent  must  be  insisted 
upon  because  of  the  ease  with  which  the  entire  series  of  the  transi- 
tional processes  leading  away  from  the  dative-instrumental  of  asso- 
ciation can  be  reproduced  in  earliest  Greek,  §  89.  The  argument 
in  favor  of  a  new  interpretation  of  these  datives  is  one  of  analogy 
and  evolution.  The  instrumental  of  association  is  the  fons  et  origo 
of  all  the  functional  types  of  the  instrumental ;  the  instrumental  of 
subjective  or  personal  means  is  one  of  its  descendants  in  the  same 
logical  relation  as  is  that  of  the  objective  or  material  means ;  in 
Sanskrit,  Avestan  and  Slavic,  being  in  a  position  to  demonstrate 
the  whole  genealogical  relation,  we  are  permitted  to  acclaim  the 
inst.  of  personal  agency  as  the  last  and  highest  typed  expression 
of  the  inst.  of  concomitation ;  there  is  no  valid  reason,  therefore, 
why,  in  full  possession  of  similar  facts  in  Greek,  from  the  inst.  of 
association  onward,  not  only  to  that  of  material  means,  but  also  to 
that  highly  personified  stage  which  Brugmann  calls  an  active 
potency  {Grdr?  §  479,  p.  527),  we  should  upon  the  presentation 
of  examples  of  personal  agency,  the  logical  fruition  of  all  preced- 
ing developments,  stamp  their  dative-agents  as  datives  of  personal 
interest,  when  it  is  well  known  that  the  so-called  '  dative  '  in  Greek 
represents  an  instrumental  force  in  an  equal  measure  to  its  own. 
Nor  should  it  detract  from  the  logical  cogency  of  the  processes  in 
question  that  satisfactory  explanation  of  these  agents  can  be  fur- 
nished upon  a  purely  datival  basis  because,  on  the  one  hand,  the 
linguistic  consciousness  of  Old  Greek  could  hardly  have  failed  care- 
fully to  distinguish  between  the  instrumental  and  the  datival  con- 
stituents of  the  various  functions  of  those  case-forms  which  after 
the  syncretism  of  the  two,  §  26  if.,  came  to  be  called  *  dative  ' ;  nor, 
on  the  other  hand,  could  the  dative  of  agency  have  so  thoroly 
assumed  the  auctorial  functions  of  the  instrumental  if,  during  the 
period  prior  to  their  amalgamation,  it  did  not  widen  its  basic  signi- 
fication from  within  on  the  analogy  of  the  competing  instrumental 
of  agency,  as  in  the  instance  of  Latin  dat.  auctoris^  §  51- 

(Ji)  In  the  Germanic  dialects  the  general  situation  with  respect 
to  the  dative-instrumental  of  agency  is  exactly  the  same.     To  our 


118 

modern  Sprachgefithl  every  originally  instrumental  form  is  over- 
shadowed by  a  datival  connotation  ;  it  cannot  be  doubted,  however, 
that  tho  one  form  served  at  the  same  time  for  several  functional 
types,  these  types  were  well  differentiated  in  the  consciousness  of 
the  speaker.^  And  since  Gothic,  Anglo-Saxon  and  Old  Norse  both 
offer  dative-agents  that  may  not  be  classed  under  the  traditional 
idea  of  personal  interest  and  admit  of  the  derivation  of  personal 
agents,  thru  the  media  of  material  means  and  personified  agents, 
from  an  original  sociative  instrumental,  §§  122,  126,  145,  it  would 
seem  but  logical  and  perfectly  in  accord  with  analogous  develop- 
ments in  related  languages  for  the  Germanic  also  to  extend  the 
instrumental  of  means  to  apply  to  persons  as  well.  In  the  field  of 
reconstructive  philology  this  strong  evidence  of  the  possibility  of 
such  a  construction  must  be  regarded  as  tantamount  to  a  proof  of 
its  actual  existence.  Moreover,  if  the  argument  —  frequently  under- 
lying the  interpretation  of  these  '  datives  '  in  decisive  instances  — 
that  the  Germanic  past  participle  is  in  most  cases  an  adjective  (cf. 
§  115  for  Gothic)  be  tenable,  then  we  could  not  speak  of  a  Ger- 
manic passive  at  all  and  the  similar  periphrasis  of  Avestan  and 
Slavic,  too,  would  mean  the  complete  inability  of  these  languages 
to  express  passive  verbal  relations.  And  yet  we  have  in  related 
tongues  evidence  of  the  bare  participle,  without  the  copula  so  essen- 
tial in  Germanic,  combined  with  instrumental  forms  in  instrumental 
function  to  denote  the  logical  subject.  So  in  Sanskrit  yamena  dat- 
tdh,  kvestdin  frazinte  anasita  maeOanyd;  but  especially  in  Slavic 
with  the  bulk  of  its  passives  expressed  solely  by  the  participle  (cf. 
Miklosich,  IV.  704 ;  Vondrdk,  II.  349)  we  have  not  only  locutions 
like  trhst\>  vetrom'h  dvizema,  vwo  dvifxov,  Lk.  7,  24,  but  also  pravim-b 
dhvema  aggeloma,  *  qui  a  duobus  angelis  ducitur,'  Sup.  124,  26,  so 
reminiscent  of  ON.  vask  f>rimr  verum  vegin,  Ghv.  10,  2  ;  ne  vidim-h 
nikymhze,  '  qui  a  nemine  videtur ' ;  mnogymi  ljud\>mi  cesten-h  i  slaven-h, 
*  qui  a  multis  hominibus  colitur  et  celebratur,'  —  expressions  which, 
under  the  present  system  of  interpretation  would,  if  paralleled  in 
the  Germanic  by  a  dative-inst.  of  agency,  be  rendered  as  '  zwei  En- 
geln  gefuhrt,''  ^  niemandem  sichtbar,^  and  ^  vielen  geehrt  und  gefeiert.'' 
While  the  Gesinnungsweise  of  one  language  cannot  simply  be 
saddled  upon  another,  and  each  must  be  conceived  of  as  capable 
of  its  own  uses  and  interpretations,  attention  must  be  drawn  to  this 

1  Cf.  Synkretismusy  p.  167. 


119 

fundamental  similarity  between  the  Slavic  and  Germanic  passive 
expressions  and  to  the  danger  of  the  too  subjective  application  of 
that  theory  which  would  intensify  the  Germanic  dative,  regardless 
of  its  syncretistic  bearings,  by  too  much  '•  InnerlichkeW  (cf.  also 
SynkretismuSy  p.  237  f.)  and  would  isolate  it  from  the  testimony  of 
the  related  languages.  Despite  the  negative  or,  at  least,  non-com- 
mittal character  of  the  criticisms  thus  far  made  in  that  regard,  I 
w^ould  still  fain  hark  back  to  Delbriick's  opinion  expressed  away 
back  in  1867  {ALL  p.  73),  "  Um  die  deutsche  casuslehre  durch- 
sichtig  zu  machen,  bedarf  es  vor  allem  einer  vergleichung  mit  der 
litauischen  und  slavischen  syntax." 


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schen  Griechischen  und  Deutschen.     (^ALI.)     Berlin,  1867. 

Vergleichende  Syntax  der  indogermanischen  Sprachen.    {Vgl.  Synt.^ 

3  V.     Strassburg,  1893- 1900. 

Giles,  P. :  A  short  manual  of  comparative  philology.     London,  1901. 
Havers,  Wm. :  Untersuchungen  zur  Kasussyntax  der  indogermanischen 

Sprachen.     Strassburg,  191 1. 
Jolly,  J. :   Geschichte  des  Infinitivs  im  Indogermanischen.     (Jnfinitiv.) 

MUnchen,  1873. 
Schleicher,  A. :  Compendium  der  vgl.  Grammatik  der  indogermanischen 

Sprachen.     {Compendiufn^.^     2d  ed.     1866  cited. 

120 


121 


SANSKRIT 

Aufrecht,  Th. :  Die  Hymnen  des  Rigveda.     2d  ed.     2  v.     Bonn,  1897. 
Delbriick,  B. :  Altindische  Syntax.     Halle,  1888.    Vol.  5  of  Syntaktische 

Forschungen.     (S./*".  or  SynL  Forsch.  V.) 
Gaedicke,  C. :  Der  Akkusativ  im  Veda.     Breslau,  1880. 
Grassmann,  H. :  Worterbuch  zum  Rig-Veda.     Leipzig,  1873. 
Oldenberg,  H. :    Rgveda.  Textkritische  und  exegetische  Noten.     I. -VI. 

Abh.  d.  Kgl.  Ges.  d.  Wiss.  Gottingen,  phil.-hist.  CI.  N.  F.  XI.  5. 
Speyer,  J.  S. :   Vedische  und   Sanskrit  Syntax.     (VuSS.)     Strassburg, 

1896. 
Thumb,  Handbuch  des  Sanskrit,  I. :  Grammatik.     Heidelberg,  1905. 
Wenzel,  H. :  Uber  den  Instrumentalis  im  Rigveda.     Tubingen,  1879. 

AVESTAN 

Bartholomae,  Chr. :  Altiranisches  Worterbuch.   (IVd.)    Strassburg,  1904. 
HUbschmann,  H. :  Zur  Casuslehre.     Zweiter  Theil.     Mlinchen,  1875. 
Reichelt,  H. :  Awestisches  Elementarbuch.     Heidelberg,  1909. 
Spiegel,  F. :  Vergleichende  Grammatik  der  altdr^nischen  Sprachen.    Leip- 
zig, 1882. 

BALTO-SLAVIC 

Kurschat,  F. :  Grammatik  der  littauischen  Sprache.     Halle,  1883. 
Leskien,  A. :  Handbuch  der  altbulgarischen  Sprache.     4  Aufl.     Weimar, 

1905. 
Leskien-Brugman  :  Litauische  VolksliederundMarchen.    Strassburg,  1882. 
Miklosich,  F. :  Vergleichende  Grammatik  der  slavischen  Sprachen.     (^/. 

Gr.)     IV.  Syntax.     2d  ed.     Wien,  1883. 
Schleicher,  A. :  Litauische  Grammatik,  und  Lesebuch.     Prag,  1856. 
Vondrdk,  W. :  Vergleichende  slavische  Grammatik.    II.    Gottingen,  1908. 

GREEK 

Bnigmann,  K. :  Griechische  Grammatik.     {Griech.  Gr^)     3d  ed.     MUn- 

chen,  1900. 
Curtius,  G. :  Griechische  Schulgrammatik.     5th  ed.     Prag,  1862. 

Erlauterungen  zu  meiner  gr.  Sch.     2d  ed.     Prag,  1870. 

Delbriick,  B. :  Die  Grundlagen  der  griechischen  Syntax.     Halle,  1879. 

Vol.  IV.  of  Syntaktische  Forschungen.     (S.F.  or  Synt.  Forsch.  IV.) 
Green,  S.  G. :  Handbook  to  the  grammar  of  the  Greek  Testament.     New 

York,  1904. 
Helbing,  R. :  Uber  den  Gebrauch  des  echten  und  sociativen  Dativs  bei 

Herodot.     {EuSDat.)     Freiburg,  1898. 


122 

Hirt,  H. :  Handbuch  der  griechischen  Laut-  und  Formenlehre.  Heidel- 
berg, 1902. 

Kuhner-Gerth  :  Ausfiihrliche  Grammatik  der  griechischen  Sprache.  3d  ed. 
2d  part.     Leipzig,  1898-1904. 

Monro,  D.  B. :  A  grammar  of  the  Homeric  dialect.     2d  ed.     Oxford,  1 891. 

Vogrinz,  G. :  Grammatik  des  homerischen  Dialectes.     Paderborn,  1889. 

Walther,  E. :  De  dativi  instrumentalis  usu  Homerico.     Breslau,  1874. 

LATIN 

Brenous,  J. :  Etude  sur  les  Helldnismes  dans  la  syntaxe  latine.    Paris,  1895. 

Draeger,  A. :  Historische  Syntax  der  lat.  Sprache.  2d  ed.  2  v.  Leipzig, 
1878-81. 

Frobenius,  R. :  Die  Syntax  des  Ennius.     Nordlingen,  1910. 

Haase,  F. :  Vorlesungen  uber  lat.  Sprachwissenschaft.  Vol.  2.  Leipzig, 
1880. 

Holtze,  F.  W. :  Syntaxis  priscorum  scriptorum  Latinorum  usque  ad 
Terentium.     2  v.     Lipsiae,  1861-62. 

Landgraf,  G. :  Beitrage  zur  hist.  Syntax  der  lat.  Sprache.     Munchen,  1899. 

Reisig,  C.  K. :  Vorlesungen  liber  lat.  Sprachwissenschaft.  3d  vol. :  Syn- 
tax.    Beriin,  1888. 

Schmalz,  J.  H. :  Lateinische  Syntax  und  Stilistik.  3d  ed.  Munchen, 
1900. 

Soramer,  J.  F. :  Handbuch  der  lateinischen  Laut-  und  Formenlehre.  Hei- 
delberg, 1902. 

Tillmann,  H. :  De  dativo  verbis  passivis  linguae  Latinae  subiecto,  qui 
vocatur  Graecus.     Act.  Sem.  Erl.     IL  (1881)  71. 

GERMANIC 

Delbrlick,  B. :  Synkretismus.     Ein  Beitrag  zur  germanischen  Kasuslehre. 

{Synkretismus .)     Strassburg,  1907. 
Dieter,  F. :  Laut-  und  Formenlehre  der  altgermanischen  Dialekte.    Leipzig, 

1900. 
Erdmann-Mensing :  Grundzuge  der  deutschen  Syntax.    Stuttgart,  1886-98. 
Grimm,  J. :  Deutsche  Grammatik.     ist  ed.     IV.     1837. 
Streitberg,  W. :  Urgermanische  Grammatik.     (C/.  G.)     Heidelberg,  1896. 
Wilmanns,  W. :  Deutsche  Grammatik.     Strassburg,  1893-96. 
Winkler,  H.:  Germanische  Kasussyntax.     {Germ.  Cas.)     I.  Der  Dativ. 

Berlin,  1896. 

GOTHIC 

Bernhardt,  E. :  Kurzgefasste  gotische  Grammatik.     Halle,  1885. 
Gabelentz,  H.  C,  und  Lobe,  J. :    Ulfilas.     2  v.     Leipzig,   1843-46.     II. 
Pars  posterior  grammaticam  linguae  Gothicae  continens.     (G-L.) 


123 

van  der  Meer,  M.  J. :  Gotische  Casussyntaxis.     I.     Leiden,  1901. 
Streitberg,  W. :  Die  gotische  Bibel.     2  parts.     Heidelberg,  1908-10. 
Gotisches  Elementarbuch.    4th  ed.  {Got.  El^),     Heidelberg,  1910. 

ANGLO-SAXON 

DethlofF,   R. :  Die  Darstellung  der  Syntax  im  ags.   Gedicht  "  Daniel." 

Rostock,  1907. 
Heyne-Socin-Schiicking  {HS.^  :  Beowulf.     loth  ed.     Paderborn,  1913. 
Hofer,  O. :   Der  synt.  Gebrauch  des  Dativs  und  Instrumentalis  in   den 

Caedmon  beigelegten  Dichtungen.     Halle,  1884.     Also  Anglia  7,  355. 
Kress,  J. :    Uber  den  Gebrauch  des  Inst,  in  der  ags.  Poesie.     Marburg, 

1864. 
Nader,  E. :  Dativ  und  Instrumental  im  Beowulf.     Wien,  1883. 
Wulcker-Grein-Assmann :  Bibliothek  der  ags.  Poesie.     3  V.     1883-98. 
Zupitza:  Beowulf.     Autotypes  of  the  Unique  Cotton   MS.   Vitellius   A. 

XV.  in  the  British  Museum.     EETS.     London,  1882. 

OLD   NORSE 

Detter,  F.,  und  Heinzel,  R. :  Saemundar  Edda.     2  v.     Leipzig,  1903. 
Fritzner,  J. :  Ordbog  over  det  gamle  norske  sprog.     2.  udg.     3  v.     Kris- 

tiania,  1883-96. 
Gering,  H. :  Vollstandiges  Worterbuch  zu  den  Liedem  der  Edda.     Halle, 

1903. 
Gislason,  K. :  Efterladte  skrifter.     2  v.     Kebenhavn,  1895-97. 
Hildebrand-Gering.     Die  Lieder  der  alteren  Edda.     3d  ed.     Paderborn, 

1912. 
Lund,  G.  F.  V. :  Oldnordisk  Ordfajningslaere.     Kebenhavn,  1862. 
Nygaard,  M. :  Eddasprogets  Syntax.     2  pts.     Bergen,  1865-67. 

Norr0n  Syntax.     Kristiania,  1905. 

Sijmons,  B. :  Die  Lieder  der  Edda.     Halle,  1906. 

Vigfusson,  G.,  and  Powell,  F.  Y. :  Corpus  poeticum  boreale.    2  v.    (Cpb.) 

Oxford,  1883. 
Wimmer  og  J6nsson :  Codex  Regius  af  den  aeldre  Edda,  i  fototypisk  og 

diplomatisk  gengivelse.     Kabenhavn,  1891. 
Wisdn,  Th. :  Om  ordfogningen  i  den  aldre  Eddan.     Lund,  1865. 


VITA 

Cassoviae  natus  sum,  Superioris  in  oppido  Hungariae,  die  un- 
decimo  mensis  Februarii  anno  MDCCCLXXXVIII,  patre  Armi- 
nio  Gruenn,  matre  loanna  e  gente  Englaender.  Primis  litterarum 
dementis  in  ludo  imbutus,  Praemonstratensium  Canonicormn  gym- 
nasium aliaque  per  annos  sex  frequentavi.  Deinde,  maturitatis 
testimonio  nondum  instructus,  anno  MCMIII  in  Americam  septen- 
trionalem  emigravi  receptusque  a  Collegio  Urbis  Novi  Eboraci 
septem  post  annos  Baccalaurei  Artibus  in  liberalibus  gradum 
cum  honore  sum  assecutus.  Socius  ibidem  ad  linguam  Latinam 
docendam  factus,  in  Universitate  quoque  Columbiae  in  philologiae 
studium  linguarumque  antiquarum  necnon  Germanicanmi  per 
annos  tres  incubui.  Anno  MCMXI  et  ad  gradum  Magistri  in 
Artibus  sum  provectus  et  Universitatis  in  philologia  Germanica 
discipulus  nominatus.  Duobus  post  annis  ad  Universitatem  lUi- 
noisensem  sum  vocatus,  ubi  nunc  lectiones  Germanicas  habeo. 

Audivi  inter  alios  w.  ill.  W.  H.  Carpenter,  Calvinum  Thomas, 
A.  F.  J.  Remy  et  R.  Tombo  in  litteris  linguisque  Germanicis,  N. 
G.  McCrea  et  J.  C.  Egbert  in  litteris  Latinis  atque  titulis,  A.  V.  W. 
Jackson  in  Indo-Iranicis,  J.  L.  Gerig  in  Celticis,  deinde  J.  Schick 
Monacensem  in  rebus  philologicis.  Omnibus  quibus  praeceptori- 
bus,  nee  minus  illis,  qui  antea  in  gymnasio  collegioque  me  consilio 
et  auctoritate  semper  adiuverunt,  —  quorum  in  numero  de  me 
optime  meriti  Patricius  Stuhlmann  Praemonstratensis  atque  Caro- 
lus  G.  Herbermann  Neo-Eboracensis  hie  mihi  imprimis  commem- 
orandi  videntur,  —  sincere  animo  gratias  ago  quam  maximas. 
Thomas  autem  praecipue  atque  Remy,  qui  studia  mea  inde  a 
principio  insigni  erga  me  benevolentia  atque  cura  sunt  moderati, 
pia  grataque  memoria  me  semper  persecuturum  esse  poUiceor. 


124 


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